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MEDIA WATCH
Contempt of court: Journalism and democracy

By James Clasper | RAW STORY COLUMNIST

“Were it left to me to decide whether we should have a government without newspapers or newspapers without a government,” wrote Thomas Jefferson in 1787, “I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter.” In light of recent events, American journalists no doubt wish they could make the same decision.

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The last few months have seen an unprecedented number of judicial assaults on freedom of the press. Three different federal judges have slapped journalists with contempt orders for refusing to reveal their anonymous sources in government investigations, punishing two of them with jail time. It is, say media advocates, an alarming trend that threatens the role of the press as the nation’s watchdog.

On December 9, a federal judge in Rhode Island sentenced an NBC television reporter to six months home confinement for refusing to disclose an anonymous source, after his imposition of a $1,000 per day fine failed to break the hapless reporter.

Most notoriously of all, a federal court in Washington, D.C., sentenced a New York Times reporter, Judith Miller, to a maximum of 18 months in prison for refusing to testify before a grand jury. The government, which is trying to find out who leaked the name of a covert CIA operative to the press, wants Miller to describe any conversation she had with a specified government official.

Miller, who never even wrote about the operative, appears to have been punished merely for contemplating a piece about the operative and for conducting interviews for it. For his refusal to disclose a confidential source in the same investigation, a reporter for Time magazine, Matthew Cooper, received a similar prison sentence. Their sentences have been stayed and were heard by a federal appeals court on Wednesday.

What has media watchdogs most alarmed is the apparent spike in these contempt orders. According to the Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press, in the past 20 years, only 14 journalists have been jailed for refusing to reveal their sources. “The American legal system seems less willing than ever to safeguard freedom of the press,” says one New York media lawyer. “For all the brouhaha about the recent presidential election, our democratic pulse is quivering and has no attending physician.”

American journalists have long had a parlous relationship with the law, though. Their qualified privilege to refuse to disclose sources stems from Branzburg v. Hayes, a 1972 Supreme Court case that weighed a reporter’s First Amendment rights against the other party’s need for disclosure.

For more than a quarter of a century, prosecutors have agreed to exhaust every other means of investigation before demonstrating the vitality of a reporter’s confidential information to their case. And, in Wednesday’s hearing, the three-judge appeals panel strongly suggested that Branzburg conclusively answered the question of whether Miller and Cooper have any privilege to refuse to testify when questioned about their sources.

For some media watchdogs, though, the apparent restriction of press freedom finds its genesis in the Bush administration’s modus operandi since September 11. “You’ve got this post-9/11 world which has sharpened everybody’s feelings about these things,” said Michael Getler, The Washington Post’s ombudsman, during a panel discussion at the National Press Club in September. “You have an administration that’s quite devoted to secrecy in a lot of its forms [and] a Justice Department which may not temper the court rulings, as has happened in the past.”

Under the catch-all provision of ‘homeland security’, vast amounts of unclassified material have been placed beyond the reach of the press and the public, leaving reporters to rely more and more on officials who leak information or who speak off the record. As the New York Times columnist Nicholas Kristof wrote recently, “It’s probably not a coincidence that we’re seeing an offensive against the press freedoms during an administration that has a Brezhnevian fondness for secrecy.”

But the courts’ increasing reluctance to recognize a qualified privilege for journalists may also reflect the reality that the advent of the internet and blogging has made it harder to decide who is a “journalist” and is thus eligible to claim the privilege. Judith Miller’s case may yet reach the Supreme Court, giving it an opportunity to consider this question and even to recalibrate the parameters of press freedom.

Yet, as media advocates are quick to point out, the specter of American reporters being imprisoned should trouble anyone who cherishes the importance of the press in international business and politics. The fear is less that a few brave reporters will be thrown in jail, and more that the ability of the American media to strip away layers of official secrecy will be significantly hamstrung.

From Watergate to the nefarious practices of the tobacco industry, the protection of confidential sources has facilitated the free flow of information and the exposure of corruption and scandal. “Without the ability to keep sources confidential, a great deal of information would just dry up,” says David Schulz, an adjunct professor of law at Fordham University in New York. “The press would, at best, become a toothless watchdog, and could not effectively serve its historic role.”

At stake in the coming months, as Miller and Cooper appeal against their sentences, is the ability of the American media to disclose the crimes and misdemeanors of its government and private institutions. But, as one lawyer quipped, “If freedom’s on the march, it’s heading in the wrong direction.”

 



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