| Summary,
or what’s at stake here?
Never mind their increasingly poor ratings in the
polls: Republicans have successfully used their control
of the White House (the executive branch) and Congress
(the legislative branch) these past 5 years to push
through an agenda that reads like a wealthy, corporate,
right-wing, anti-New Deal, fundamentalist-fueled wet
dream.
Now they want total control of the third branch too
— the judiciary. While the judiciary has usually
done well by the right-wing under the guidance of
recently-deceased Federalist Society poster boy Chief
Justice Rehnquist and his stalwarts — Scalia,
Thomas, and Souter — it has also been a bit
of a wet blanket. Conservatives have been frustrated
by the court’s refusal to overturn Roe v.
Wade, roll back affirmative action, strike down
Title IX (the law that bars sex discrimination in
intercollegiate athletic programs), allow the execution
of minors and the mentally retarded, criminalize queer
sex, or entirely dismantle church/state separation.
Roberts is here to change all that.
As the Washington Post notes, during
his tenure as special assistant to the Attorney
General under Reagan, Roberts “defended bills
in Congress that would have stripped the Supreme Court
of jurisdiction over abortion, busing and school prayer
cases; he argued for a narrow interpretation of Title
IX, the landmark law that bars sex discrimination
in intercollegiate athletic programs; and he even
counseled his boss on how to tell the Rev. Martin
Luther King Jr.'s widow that the administration was
cutting off federal funding for the Atlanta center
that bears his name.”
Conservatives
are thrilled by this young-ish yes man with a
penchant for executive privilege and a wife who used
to head an anti-choice organization. Liberals
and progressives,
many of whose greatest victories have been enacted
through federal legislation and the judiciary, are
not.
That’s why there’s so much talk, especially
when Kennedy has the floor, about Brown v. Board
of Education (1954), which ended school segregation
over the objections of many Southern states; the Civil
Rights Act (1964) that outlawed racial discrimination
in public accommodations, employment, and other areas;
and the Voters Rights Act (1965, with an extension
in 1982) that eliminated barriers to voting that many
people of color had routinely faced.
Glossary: If you feel like
much of what is being said during this process is
happening in code, it’s because it is. You’ll
be hearing quite a bit of the following terms and
phrases:
Humble and modest: When Roberts uses
these terms to describe his approach to the law, he’s
not saying that he’s a laid-back kind of guy.
He’s signaling his belief that the judiciary
branch should cede power to the executive and legislative
branches.
Unelected judges: A pet phrase of the right,
especially Senator Orrin Hatch of Utah. This clever
term points out that judges are cleared for their
posts on the federal level by legislators elected
by the people rather than by the people themselves.
It’s also meant to imply that this makes judges
inherently less trustworthy and less deserving of
power than elected officials. After all, who are you
going to trust? Someone who enjoys a lifetime position
that could, potentially, free him or her to reconsider
their opinions without fearing for their livelihood
or an elected official who needs to pander to his
or her base to get re-elected every 4 years?
Activist judges: Activist judges are judges
whose rulings conservatives don’t like. For
example, Judge Richard Kramer, the Republican, Catholic
judge from San Francisco who ruled last March that
gays and lesbians have the right to marry in California,
despite a law and a voter-approved measure declaring
marriage to be the exclusive realm of heterosexuals,
is
an activist judge. Judge Frank Quesada, who
ordered doctors to resume feeding Terri Schiavo
while her parents pursued their lawsuit against Michael
Schiavo is just a good public servant doing his job.
Framers’ intent: This is the phrase
Roberts uses when he wants to signal that he is a
purist, impervious to such muddying factors as time,
culture, or ideology, when he reads the Constitution.
Which doesn’t go very far towards explaining
why most of his legal opinions fail to protect the
minority from the majority.
I was only following orders: This, in essence,
is Roberts’ answer whenever a member of the
Judiciary Committee nails him on the views
he defended while assisting the Attorney General
under Reagan. It’s meant to imply that his snarky
remarks about voting rights and affirmative action
are simply evidence of his being a malleable young
yes man in the past, not proof that he’ll be
a bigot in the future.
What is at stake in the Roberts nomination proceedings
is not only the future of these decisions, or the
Supreme Court, but the entire system of checks and
balances that has prevented an all-out conservative
takeover of the government.
So don’t tune out. Watch them with that in
mind. And call your senators early and often.
Nancy Goldstein’s column appears on Raw Story
every other Thursday. She can be reached at goldstein.nancy@gmail.com.
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