Bush claims Democratic Party's 'philosophical shift' began in Cold War era

Ron Brynaert
Published: Friday October 20, 2006

During a speech delivered at a National Republican Senatorial Committee reception, President George Bush suggested that a "philosophical shift" by the Democratic Party began in the Cold War era, stating that the party at that time gave up the war against communism and backed away from beliefs in "the power of liberty and freedom."

"It is interesting what's happened to the Democrat [sic] Party," said Bush. "You know, I'm reading a lot of history these days."

Bush praised Democratic Presidents Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Harry Truman, and John F. Kennedy for understanding "the challenges of their time," their willingness "to confront those challenges with strong leadership," and their "great faith in the power of liberty and freedom."

"And then something began to change," Bush said.

"In 1972, the Democrats nominated a presidential candidate [George McGovern] who declared: I don't like communism, but I don't think we have any great obligation to save the world from it," the president continued. "In other words, there began a slow shift of philosophy in the Democrat [sic] Party."

Bush claimed that "at the height of the Cold War, a Democrat [sic] president told the country that America had gotten over, quote, 'inordinate fear of communism.'"

In 1977, President Jimmy Carter did use that phrase in a commencement speech, but it appears to have been a criticism of extremism taken out of context by Bush.

"Being confident of our own future, we are now free of that inordinate fear of communism which once led us to embrace any dictator who joined us in that fear," Carter said. "I’m glad that that’s being changed."

Bush continued, "In the mid-1980s, a senator from Massachusetts whom Democrats would later choose as their presidential nominee declared that Americans should, quote, 'abandon the kind of thinking that suggests we can gain a meaningful advantage over the Soviet Union in the nuclear arms race.'"

"In other words, this is a different attitude," Bush said. "The philosophy of that party began to shift."

"Fortunately, in the 1980s, America had a Republican president who saw things differently," Bush said. "Ronald Reagan declared, 'My theory of the Cold War is that we win and they lose.'"

"The Democrat party," Bush continued, "has evolved from one that was confident in its capacity to help deal with the problems of the world to one that is doubting today still has an approach of doubt and defeat."

Excerpts from transcript of Bush's speech:

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PRESIDENT BUSH: It is interesting what's happened to the Democrat Party. You know, I'm reading a lot of history these days. And, you know, I read about Franklin Roosevelt, who was strong in his confrontation of Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan. His strength of character, his vision help set the course for victory in World War II. Strong wartime leader.

It was a Democrat president, Harry Truman, who confronted the rise of Soviet communism, and he set the course for victory in -- in the Cold War.

John F. Kennedy declared America's commitment to, in his words, pay any price and bear any burden in the defense of freedom.

These presidents understood the challenges of their time and were willing to confront those challenges with strong leadership. And at the same time, they had great faith in the power of liberty and freedom.

And then something began to change. In 1972 the Democrats nominated a presidential candidate who declared: I don't like communism, but I don't think we have any great obligation to save the world from it. In other words, there began a slow shift of philosophy in the Democrat (sic) Party.

A few years later, at the height of the Cold War, a Democrat president told the country that America had gotten over, quote, "inordinate fear of communism."

In the mid-1980s, a senator from Massachusetts whom Democrats would later choose as their presidential nominee declared that Americans should, quote, "abandon the kind of thinking that suggests we can gain a meaningful advantage over the Soviet Union in the nuclear arms race." In other words, this is a different attitude. The philosophy of that party began to shift.

Fortunately, in the 1980s, America had a Republican president who saw things differently. Ronald Reagan declared, "My theory of the Cold War is that we win and they lose." (Laughter, applause.)

By this time, the Democrat Party did not share his optimism or his strategy for victory. See, they'd gotten to the point where they didn't think we could -- that we could win. Many of the leaders fought the Reagan defense buildup. They fought his Strategic Defense Initiative. They opposed the liberation of Grenada. They didn't like America's support for freedom fighters resisting Soviet puppet regimes. They heaped scorn on him. They mocked him when called the Soviet Union an "evil empire."

Despite all the opposition that the president faced from the Democrats, he didn't waver. He stood for what he believed. And history will remember Ronald Reagan as the man who brought down the Soviet Union and won the Cold War. (Applause.)

And now we're involved in what I have called the great ideological struggle of the 21st century.

It's a struggle between the forces of liberty and the forces of a tyrannical vision that does not believe in freedom. It's a struggle between moderates who want to live in peace in the Middle East and extremists and radicals who will use murder to achieve their objective.

This is going to be a long struggle. But in order to prevail, it requires perseverance and determination and a strong belief in the power of liberty to conquer the ideology of hate.

The Democrat party that has evolved from one that was confident in its capacity to help deal with the problems of the world to one that is doubting today still has an approach of doubt and defeat. They believe that the war in Iraq is a diversion from the war on terror.

I believe the war in Iraq is a central part in defeating the terrorists in order that we protect ourselves. (Applause.) If you don't believe me, and if the citizens of our country don't believe me, then they ought to at least listen to Osama bin Laden -- (laughter) -- and the number two man in al Qaeda, Mr. Zawahiri, both of whom have made it perfectly clear that Iraq is a central part of their strategy to establish their caliphate. They believe America is weak, and it's just a matter of time before we will lose our nerve and abandon that young democracy in the heart of the Middle East. That's what they firmly believe, and they have said so and stated it clearly.

The same Democrats that doubt and don't believe this is a part of the war on terror also argue that we should pull out our troops before the job is done.

The person I ran against for president said there ought to be a date certain for withdrawal. That means it doesn't matter what's happening on the ground; it just means get out. You've had a leader in the House say, "Well, the best way to deal with this is to put our troops on an island some 5,000 miles away from Iraq." There's all kinds of different opinions, but none of them are, "Let's do the hard work necessary to secure America." We have a difference of opinion, and that's why I have said that the Democrat Party, the party that -- where some leaders have said we shouldn't spend another dime on Iraq. Others have said get out now. Others have said get out in a couple of months. That's why they are the party of cut and run. (Applause.)

It's a difference of opinion, but it's a fundamental issue in this campaign. The voters out there need to ask the question: Which political party will support the brave men and women who wear our uniform when they do their job of protecting America? Which political party is willing to give our professionals the tools necessary to protect the American people? Which political party has a strategy for victory in this war on terror?

Listen, I fully understand it's a tough fight in Iraq. I know it, you know it and our troops know it. Last week -- earlier this week, I spoke with the prime minister of Iraq, Prime Minister Maliki, and we discussed the violence in his country. I told him I was amazed at how tough the Iraqis are when it comes to violence. Think about that. They haven't abandoned their hopes for a government of, by and for the people. There are 12 million people who voted. They still long to live in a free society, yet they're putting up with unspeakable violence.

There is a reason why the violence is increasing. One reason is that our forces -- coalition and Iraqi forces -- are focused on operations to bring security in Baghdad. In other words, we're on the move. We're confronting those who would like to sew sectarian violence. We're confronting the criminals who are taking advantage of the situation. We're confronting the militias who are harming innocent people. We're operating in some of the city's most violent neighborhoods to disrupt and bring to justice al Qaeda and IED-makers and death squad leaders.

We're engaging the enemies, and they're putting up a tough fight.

Another reason why is the terrorists are trying to influence public opinion around the world and right here in the United States. They carry video cameras, film their atrocities, e-mail images and video clips to Middle Eastern cable networks like Al-Jazeera and opinion leaders throughout the West. They operate websites where they say their goal is to, quote, "carry out a media war that is parallel to the military war."

Our goal in Iraq is clear and it's unchanging: a country that can sustain itself, a country that can govern itself, a country that can defend itself, and a country which will be an ally in the war against these extremists. Our strategy is threefold: to help rebuild that country, to help the political process move forward, and to help the Iraqis stand up security forces that are capable of defeating the enemy themselves. (Applause.)

Our tactics are constantly changing. I talk to our generals who are in charge of these operations, and my message to them is: Whatever you need, we'll give you, and whatever tactics you think work on the ground, you put in place. Our goal hasn't changed, but the tactics are constantly adjusting to an enemy which is brutal and violent.

My message to the United States of America is victory in Iraq is vital for the security of a generation of Americans who are coming up. And so we will stay in Iraq, we will fight in Iraq, and we will win in Iraq! (Applause.) Thank you. Thank you. Sit down now. (Continued applause.) Thank you. (Continued applause.) I'm not through yet! (Laughter.) I'm almost through! (Laughter.) The waiter is signaling to me -- you know, giving me one of these things, you know. (Laughter.)

I want to tell you one other thing we believe in -- and I believe it's the difference between the philosophies of our parties -- is that I believe in the power of liberty to transform regions and country and yield the peace we want. That's what I believe. I believe this is an ideological struggle, and the way you defeat an ideology of hate is with an ideology of hope. I believe in the universality of freedom. I believe there's an Almighty, and I believe a great gift of that Almighty to every man, woman and child on the Earth is freedom. I believe people -- (applause) -- I believe America should never condemn anybody to a society that does not embrace freedom. I believe in freedom so much that I wasn't surprised when 12 million people defied car bombers and said, "I want to be free." And I believe free societies yield the peace we want.

A story that I share all the time with people is the story about my relationship with the prime minister of Japan -- former prime minister now, Prime Minister Koizumi. You might remember, the prime minister and I went down to Elvis' place -- (laughter) -- in Memphis, Tennessee. I went down there because I'd never been. (Laughter.) He went down there and asked me to take him down there because he liked Elvis. (Laughter.) But I want to tell a story the American people. You see, my dad fought the Japanese. They were the sworn enemy of the United States, and many of your relatives did the same thing. They attacked us. We responded with the full force and might of the United States. Kids signed up. Many didn't come home. They volunteered to fight for our freedom, just like the kids are doing today -- volunteering to fight for our freedom. One of them was an 18-year-old Navy fighter pilot. I find it really interesting that his son was on Air Force One with the prime minister of the former enemy talking about the peace.

See, going down to Memphis from Washington, we didn't spend a lot of time analyzing Elvis's songs. (Laughter.) We talked about North Korea and how Japan and the United States could work together to convince the leader of North Korea to give up his nuclear weapons ambitions.

We talked about the fact that Japan had a thousand troops in Iraq. See, Prime Minister Koizumi knows what I know, that when you find a young democracy that's battling against extremists, it's in our interests to help that young democracy succeed. It's in the interests of not only this generation, who's got the charge of protecting ourselves from terrorists, but for future generations, to help democracies flourish. He understands what I know, that the reason we're talking about the peace is because something happened between World War II, when Japan was a sworn enemy of the United States, and 2006, when they flying from Washington to Memphis on Air Force One. And what happened was Japan adopted a Japanese-style democracy.

The lesson is, liberty has the capacity to change an enemy into an ally, and someday American presidents will be sitting down with duly elected leaders from the Middle East talking about keeping the peace, and a generation of Americans will be better off for it.

Thank you for your help. God bless. (Applause.)

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