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A U.S. federal judge on Wednesday unsealed an indictment accusing a candidate for the New Mexico House of Representatives of orchestrating violent interference in the 2022 midterm election.
A week earlier, a federal grand jury charged Solomon Peña, 40, with crimes related to a spree of shootings targeting four elected officials in the Albuquerque area after his defeat in the Nov. 8, 2022 race for the District 14 seat in the lower chamber of the state Legislature.
The shootings happened at the homes of two Bernalillo County commissioners and two state lawmakers between Dec. 4, 2022 and Jan. 3, 2023. No one was physically harmed in the attacks, but police found bullet holes in the buildings.
According to the federal indictment, Demetrio Trujillo, 41, and his son Jose Louise Trujillo, 21, helped Peña obtain guns and cars they used to shoot at the officials’ homes and vehicles.
Since the lawmakers were candidates and the county officials were required by state law to certify the results, federal prosecutors with the U.S. Attorneys Office are accusing the trio — along with four unnamed co-conspirators — of interfering with the election.
An apparent Trump supporter and election denier on his social media feed, Peña never conceded his own electoral loss last year, contending that the system was rigged.
In a written statement on Wednesday, New Mexico Secretary of State Maggie Toulouse Oliver condemned the violence and applauded the prosecution.
“The political violence allegedly perpetrated by Solomon Peña and his accomplices is a sobering reminder of how unfounded conspiracy theories and election denialism have real world consequences,” she said. “Political violence in our democracy must be repudiated at every turn, and I am pleased to see the federal government pursuing this case with the seriousness it deserves.”
As of Wednesday, all three men were in custody, according to court records. Peña has been held at the Metropolitan Detention Center since Jan. 17, Jose Trujillo was arrested in January, and Demetrio Trujillo was arrested on Wednesday.
Demetrio Trujillo will make an initial appearance in court at 9:30 a.m. on Thursday, and Jose Trujillo will appear for an arraignment hearing at 9:30 a.m. on June 8, both in Albuquerque.
Peña texted ‘close political ally’ just before first shooting
The Bernalillo County Board of County Commissioners certified Peña’s defeat on Nov. 21, 2022, along with that of Republican Lisa Meyer-Hagen, an Albuquerque real estate broker who ran for a different seat in the House.
“We have to press the attack,” Peña wrote to Meyer-Hagen in a text message one week earlier, according to the indictment. “They want us to become hopeless and give up.”
Meyer-Hagen is not a defendant in the case, and her role in it is unclear. It is not known if she has legal representation.
While prosecutors did not name Meyer-Hagen in the indictment, they referred to her as “a close political ally” of Peña and a candidate in the race for the District 11 seat in the House. There were no other candidates in the race.
She lost that race to House Speaker Javier Martínez (D-Albuquerque). Martínez was targeted in the second shooting on Dec. 8.
According to the indictment, at 1:28 a.m. on Dec. 4, 2022, Peña wrote again to Meyer-Hagen:
“We can’t just sit around being angry. We have to act. I’m continuing my study of election rigging. The enemy will eventually break, because they are committing intentional wrongs, and all humans eventually make mistakes.”
Later that day, prosecutors wrote, Demetrio Trujillo and two unnamed co-conspirators fired their weapons at the home of Bernalillo County Commissioner Adriann Barboa.
The indictment does not indicate any of Meyer-Hagen’s responses to Peña’s texts.
Reached by phone for comment on Wednesday, Meyer-Hagen said, “If you’re calling about Solomon Peña, I have no comment.”
Unnamed co-conspirators
The indictment mentions four “co-conspirators” without identifying them, saying two of them joined Demetrio Trujillo in the shootings at Barboa’s home on Dec. 4 and Martínez’s home on Dec. 8.
The third unnamed person received Barboa’s home address from Jose Trujillo on Nov. 19, and passed it on to Peña on Nov. 28, according to the indictment. This same person met with Peña on the day of the first shooting, prosecutors wrote.
A fourth person asked Peña to meet two days before the first shooting, and wrote, “asap got my guy here,” the court documents state.
Prosecutors accuse Peña, Demetrio Trujillo and Jose Trujillo of shooting at the home of former Bernalillo County Commissioner Debbie O’Malley on Dec. 11, and at the home of Sen. Linda Lopez (D-Albuquerque) on Jan. 3.
The Secretary of State’s Office is in the final stages of the rulemaking process to conceal officials’ home addresses, spokesperson Alex Curtas said, stemming from a new state law Toulouse Oliver helped shepherd through the last legislative session.
The rule lays out procedures for the secretary of state and county clerks “for the non-disclosure of home addresses for public officials and candidates on election and financial-related documents” and is a direct response to doxxing, threats, and instances of harassment and violence directed at public officials in recent years, Curtas said.
Source New Mexico is part of States Newsroom, a network of news bureaus supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Source New Mexico maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Shaun Griswold for questions: info@sourcenm.com. Follow Source New Mexico on Facebook and Twitter.
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New Texas law gives secretary of state power to intervene in Democratic stronghold county's elections
June 01, 2023
Texas Republicans have muscled through legislation allowing unprecedented state interventions into elections in Harris County, the most populous county in Texas, threatening to drastically overhaul elections in the Democratic stronghold.
The bills targeting Harris, which would eliminate its chief elections official and allow state officials to intervene and supervise the county’s elections in response to administrative complaints, are headed to the governor’s desk.
Lawmakers say they’re responding to repeated election issues in Harris County, which includes the city of Houston. The county, for its part, has signaled it will challenge the bid to remove its elections administrator and is portraying the bills as a partisan power grab and the latest in a series of legislative moves by Texas Republicans to tighten access to the ballot in the wake of the 2020 presidential election.
Some election and policy experts say the moves set a bad precedent, mirror strategies recently used by GOP-led legislatures in Florida and Georgia to gain control of local elections, and could signal state lawmakers’ intention to seek control in counties beyond Harris. The continual changes to elections administration in Texas, which intensified in 2021 with the sweeping voting bill Senate Bill 1, could also foster public distrust, said Daniel Griffith, senior policy director at Secure Democracy USA.
“Election administration should really be something that’s stable and something that people can rely on,” Griffith said.
Instead, the bills represent the latest battle in the partisan war over how elections should be run in Texas, and who should oversee them.
Senate Bill 1933, authored by state Sen. Paul Bettencourt, a Harris County Republican, grants the Texas secretary of state the authority to investigate election “irregularities” after complaints are filed — but only in counties with more than 4 million people, which means just Harris County.
The office, which until now has had less authority than nearly any other state’s chief election authority, will be able to remove a county election administrator or to file a petition to remove an elected county officer overseeing elections, such as a county clerk, if “a recurring pattern of problems” isn’t resolved.
After the measure goes into effect in September, administrative election complaints that are filed with the secretary of state’s Elections Division, led by Christina Adkins, can trigger an investigation.
Examples of recurring problems that could trigger state oversight include:
State officials must conduct an investigation, but if they find “good cause to believe” there is a “recurring pattern of problems,” Adkins could then order state oversight of Harris County’s elections. The secretary of state’s Elections Division could then have personnel on the ground, observing any activities related to election preparation, early voting, election day, and post-election day procedures.
The state’s oversight can last for up to two years or until the office determines the “recurring pattern of problems” has been resolved.
If such problems aren’t resolved, the secretary of state could then get rid of Harris County election officials, though a second bill passed by Republicans, Senate Bill 1750, could make that more complex. That bill removes Harris County’s elections administrator position, reshaping how the county oversees elections.
That law also goes into effect in September — only months before Harris’ municipal election. It will transfer election duties back to the county clerk and tax assessor-collector’s office. To remove an elected official such as the county clerk, the secretary of state would have to request the removal, but the final decision would be determined through a jury trial.
Last week, Harris County Attorney Christian Menefee said the county was preparing to sue the state over the new measures.
“The Texas Constitution is clear: The Legislature can’t pass laws that target one specific city or one specific county,” Menefee said.
County Judge Lina Hidalgo tweeted Sunday that legislators in Texas “are still trying to disenfranchise 4.7 million of their own constituents by taking over elections in Harris County. This fight is far from over,” she said. “This is a shameless power grab and dangerous precedent.”
Last November, Harris County had to extend voting for an hour after various polling places had malfunctioning voting machines, paper ballot shortages, and long waiting periods. More than 20 lawsuits from losing Republican candidates have been filed against the county, citing those problems and seeking a redo of the election.
Clifford Tatum, the county’s second elections administrator since the position was created in 2020, was hired only two months before November’s election. At the time, Harris County’s elections department lacked a tracking system used by other large counties to identify issues in real time and for months could not say how many polling locations ran out of paper on Election Day or whether anyone was prevented from voting. A recent investigation by the Houston Chronicle found that out of the more than 782 polling locations, only about 20 ran out of paper.
Bettencourt declared throughout the legislative session that Harris County’s election problems in the past year were the “genesis” of his proposals. Bettencourt has denied the pieces of legislation are political in nature and called the passage of his bills a “victory.” He said in a tweet Sunday that the legislation means “the problems of the defunct Harris County Elections Administrator should be a thing of the past!”
Initially introduced as a measure that would allow the secretary of state to randomly select small counties to conduct election audits, Senate Bill 1933 was amended multiple times during the session as part of a slew of Republican-led measures aimed at scrutinizing and supervising Harris County’s elections.
Weeks later, when the bill made it to the House chamber, it was amended behind closed doors and without any public input until it eventually affected only counties with a population of more than 4 million residents, meaning only Harris County.
Katya Ehresman, voting rights program director with Common Cause Texas, said voters, county officials, and election administrators should have been given the opportunity to testify about legislation set to directly impact them.
Ehresman said that process was concerning and “against values of transparency and public input, which should be core parts of the legislative process.”
Another state election oversight bill proposed by Bettencourt died in the House after it didn’t meet key deadlines. Senate Bill 1039 would have allowed the secretary of state, following a complaint of election “irregularities,” to appoint a conservator to oversee elections in a county when violations of the Election Code were identified.
On Monday, Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick sent a letter to Gov. Greg Abbott asking him to consider potentially reviving SB 1039 in a special session in the coming months.
Griffith said if that bill is revived, it could be a way for the Legislature to exert election oversight over all counties instead of just in Harris.
Voting rights activists say the approved bills could threaten Texas counties’ ability to maintain a nonpartisan election process.
“These bills do have a tangible effect on voter turnout, voter apathy, and on the ability for elections administrators to do their job free from threats and free from partisan pressures,” Ehresman said. “The discourse surrounding Texas election reform continues to be punitive and continues to be rooted in misinformation. And that will have a permanent damage on recruitment [of election workers] and election administration going forward.”
Natalia Contreras covers election administration and voting access for Votebeat in partnership with the Texas Tribune. Contact Natalia at ncontreras@votebeat.org.
Chalkbeat is a nonprofit news site covering educational change in public schools.
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'Absolutely blockbuster evidence': Experts stunned over Trump 'Espionage Act' bombshell
June 01, 2023
Legal experts wasted no time Wednesday responding to an exclusive CNN report revealing federal prosecutors have obtained audio evidence of Donald Trump in a 2021 meeting at his Bedminster golf course admitting he had held onto a classified Pentagon document about a potential attack on Iran, admitting he wanted to share the document, and admitting he knew he legally could not because he did not have the authority to declassify it post-presidency.
"War plans are among the most highly classified documents. Puts pressure on DOJ to indict, and a jury to convict," writes NYU Law professor of Law Ryan Goodman, a former U.S. Dept. of Defense Special Counsel.
"Make no mistake. This is squarely an Espionage Act case," Goodman continues, calling the news a "bombshell."
"It is not simply an 'obstruction' case," says Goodman. "There is now every reason to expect former President Trump will be charged under 18 USC 793(e) of the Espionage Act. The law fits his reported conduct like a hand in glove."
"Audio recording is a meeting with several people who don't have security clearances. If Trump discussed content of document it is even worse - and raises its own criminal exposure," Goodman also writes.
On-air, CNN reported in the audio recording a piece of paper could be heard ratting in the wind.
Calling it "a critical find," MSNBC legal analyst Lisa Rubin says the alleged audio recording of Trump "reveals another new, significant fact: In summer 2021, Trump had at least one classified document with him at Bedminster. Trump lawyers told DOJ in December 2022 that a search of Bedminster by private investigators yielded no such records."
Rubin sums it all up: "That DOJ & the Special Counsel have apparently spoken to witnesses from Milley to Fitton and back suggests they have evidence regarding Trump's motives and state of mind in addition to his actual taped statements."
Rubin is not the only one focused on the Bedminster aspect.
Pete Strzok, the former FBI Counterintelligence Deputy Assistant Director, pointed to a tweet he wrote last year that reads: "Better check Bedminster… On May 6, NARA [the National Archives] emails Trump to say material is missing and may be at MAL [Mar-a-Lago]."
"On May 9, Trump gets on a private plane from Palm Beach to Bedminster. On video, several boxes are seen loaded onto the plane," Strzok also tweeted.
On Wednesday he wrote: "AND the meeting in question appears to have been at Bedminster. As I’ve said for a while, better check Bedminster."
"Appears Trump - in his own voice," Strzok adds, "- knew the procedures for declassifying information - knew he hadn’t done it - may have disclosed it to someone not authorized to receive it Huge. Filling in those 18 USC 793 elements of the crime."
18 U.S. Code § 793 is the federal statute for "Gathering, transmitting or losing defense information."
Other experts also weighed in.
"Holy shit," exclaimed white collar criminal defense attorney Robert Denault, "Hugely significant piece of evidence."
Attorney George Conway appeared to agree, citing the late, iconic Washington Post executive editor: "Fair to say Ben Bradlee would have called this a 'holy-shit story.'"
Conway, a former Republican and devout never-Trumper did not hold back: "It would actually be perfect for the most colossally nihilistic moron the world has ever seen to go to prison for doing something so brazenly illegal, yet at the same time so unimaginably pointless and stupid."
Richard Painter, the former Bush 43 chief White House ethics lawyer points out that Trump "lied about it," and called that a "felony."
Former federal prosecutor Renato Mariotti calls it "absolutely blockbuster evidence."
"It proves that Trump *knew* he kept highly classified documents after he left office, that he shared the classified info with people who didn’t have clearance, and 'suggests … he was aware of limitations' on his ability to declassify."
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