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Bernie and AOC wouldn't be known without this American giant

By Bert Johnson, Professor of Political Science, Middlebury College.

Jesse Jackson’s two campaigns for president, in 1984 and 1988, were unsuccessful but historic. The civil rights activist and organizer, who died on Feb. 17, 2026, helped pave the way for Barack Obama’s election a generation later as the nation’s first – and so far only – African American president.

Jackson’s campaigns energized a multiracial coalition that not only provided support for other late-20th-century Democratic politicians, including President Bill Clinton, but helped create an organizing template – a so-called Rainbow Coalition combining Black, Latino, working-class white and young voters – that continues to resonate in progressive politics today.

Vermont, where I teach political science, did not look like fertile ground for Jackson when he first ran for president. Then, as now, Vermont was one of the most homogeneous, predominantly white states. But if Jackson seemed like an awkward fit for a mostly rural, lily-white state, he nonetheless saw possibilities.

He campaigned in Vermont twice in 1984, buoyantly declaring in Montpelier, the state capital, “If I win Vermont, the nation will never be the same again.”

He did not win Vermont, taking just 8 percent of the Democratic primary vote in 1984 but tripling his share to 26 percent in 1988. Appealing to voters in small, rural New England precincts was a remarkable achievement for a candidate identified with Chicago and civil rights campaigns in the South.

Jackson’s presidential ambitions coincided with a pivotal moment in Vermont politics: The state’s voting patterns were shifting left, with new residents arriving and changing the state’s culture and economy. In 1970, nearly 70 percent of Vermonters had been born there. By 1990, that figure had dropped by 10 percentage points.

The Vermont Rainbow Coalition, which was formed to support Jackson’s first campaign, organized a crucial constituency in a fluid time, establishing patterns that would persist for decades.

Setting the standard

Jackson created a “People’s Platform” that would sound familiar to today’s progressives, calling for higher taxes on businesses, higher minimum wages and single-payer, universal health care.

In light of Jackson’s efforts, Vermont activists saw the potential for a durable statewide organization. Rather than disband the Vermont Rainbow Coalition after the 1984 primary, they kept the group going, endorsing candidates in campaigns for the legislature and statewide office in each of the next three election cycles. The coalition also endorsed Bernie Sanders’ failed bid for Congress in 1988.

Sanders served eight years as mayor of Burlington as an “independent socialist,” cultivating a core collection of local allies known as the Progressive Coalition who sought to wrest power away from establishment members of the city’s Board of Aldermen.

In 1992, the Vermont Rainbow Coalition merged with Burlington’s Progressive Coalition to form the statewide Progressive Coalition.

Jackson-Sanders lineage

Sanders eventually went on to win election to the House as an independent in 1990, serving in the chamber until winning his Senate seat, also as an independent, in 2006. His presidential runs in 2016 and 2020 made him a prominent national figure and a leader among progressives.

Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, who unseated a member of the House Democratic leadership in a stunning 2018 primary upset in New York, had been a Sanders campaign organizer and remains his close ally. On Jan. 1, 2026, Sanders swore in Zohran Mamdani – like Ocasio-Cortez, a Democratic socialist – as mayor of New York City.

Sanders had endorsed Jackson for president in 1988. Years later, Jackson returned the favor.

Sanders paid tribute to Jackson at the 2024 Democratic National Convention.

“Jesse Jackson is one of the very most significant political leaders in this country in the last 100 years,” Sanders said. “Jesse’s contribution to modern history is not just bringing us together – it is bringing us together around a progressive agenda.”

Not just Vermont

In Vermont, Jackson performed surprisingly well in unlikely places – taking nearly 20 percent of the 1984 primary vote in working-class Bakersfield and Belvidere, for example.

Today’s Vermont Progressive Party, which emerged out of the old Vermont Progressive Coalition, is one of the most successful third parties in the nation, winning official “major party” status in the state shortly after its official founding in 2000. The party has elected candidates to the state legislature, city councils and even a few statewide offices, including that of lieutenant governor.

Vermont was not alone in experiencing the catalyzing effect of Jackson’s presidential runs. Jackson had a significant mobilizing impact on Black voters nationwide. In Washington state, the Washington Rainbow Coalition started in Seattle and spread across the state between 1984 and 1996. New Jersey and Pennsylvania had their own successful and independent Rainbow Coalitions. In 2003, the Rainbow Coalition Party of Massachusetts joined the Green Party to become the Green Rainbow Party.

In my own research, I’ve investigated the durability of the “Jackson effect” in Vermont. There is no better test of what differentiates the Vermont Progressive Party from the state’s Democratic Party than the 2016 Democratic primary race for lieutenant governor, which pitted progressive David Zuckerman against two prominent, mainstream Democrats.

Zuckerman beat the Democrats most handily in towns that had voted the most heavily for Jesse Jackson in 1984, an effect that persisted even when controlling for population, partisanship and liberalism.

Many people would point to Sanders as the catalyst for Vermont’s continuing progressive movement. But Sanders and the progressives owe much to Jackson.

  • Bert Johnson has taught American politics at Middlebury since 2004. His research and teaching interests include campaign finance, federalism, and state and local politics. Johnson is author of Political Giving: Making Sense of Individual Campaign Contributions (Boulder: FirstForum Press, 2013), and coauthor (with Morris Fiorina, Paul E. Peterson, and William Mayer) of The New American Democracy (Longman, 2011). His articles have appeared in Social Science History, Urban Affairs Review, and American Politics Research. He is owner and author of Basicsplainer.com.

The 3 reasons Trump's moral squalor is doomed​

It gets bleaker and bleaker. He’s eviscerating environmental protections. He accuses Barack Obama of treason. He’s ripping up labor protections. He wants to privatize Social Security. He fires the head of the Bureau of Labor Statistics because he doesn’t like the job numbers. He forces the Smithsonian to take down an exhibit that includes his two impeachments. The European Union, Japan, Columbia University, and CBS are all surrendering to him.

Many of you ask me where I get my hope from, notwithstanding.

Three sources.

First, from all the young people I work with every day. They’re enormously dedicated, committed to making the world better. They’ll inherit this mess, and they’re ready to clean it up and strengthen our democracy. They also have extraordinary energy. And they’re very funny. It is impossible not to be hopeful around them.

Second, from history. We are now in a second Gilded Age that, like the first one (from the late 19th century to the start of the 20th), features wide inequalities of income and wealth, abuses of power by the oligarchs (then called “robber barons”), and a bullied and abused working class.

What happened then? The great pendulum of America swung back. The first Gilded Age was followed by what historians call the Progressive Era. Taxes were raised on the wealthy. Antitrust laws were enacted. Regulations stopped corporate malfeasance. Big money was barred from politics. And reformers — starting with Teddy Roosevelt in 1901 and extending through his fifth cousin, FDR, in 1933 — made life better for average working people.

I don’t know exactly how or when the pendulum will swing back this time, but I am certain it will. And the regressive moral squalor of Trump and his lackeys will be swept into the dustbin of history.

My third source of optimism comes from people I meet all over America, including self-described Republicans in so-called “red” states and “red” cities, who detest what’s happening to the nation and to the world under Donald Trump (as well as under Benjamin Netanyahu and Vladimir Putin).

There’s a profound decency in the sinews of America. Most Americans are generous and kind.

Opinion polls show the vast majority don’t want ICE agents disappearing their neighbors off the streets and into detention camps. They reject Trump prosecuting his so-called enemies. They think it’s wrong for him to pocket billions from crypto and other pay-to-play schemes. They don’t like him or his lackeys verbally attacking federal judges, or silencing critics.

Over 80 percent believe the minimum wage should be raised, that no full-time worker should be in poverty, that corporations should share their profits with their employees, that working people should get paid family leave, and that child care and elder care should be affordable.

I don’t want to minimize the repugnance of Trump and his sycophants. Like you, I wince when I read the news. Some days I despair.

But there are sources of hope all around us. Find them. Cling to them. Never give up.

'Never seen numbers this bad!' MSNBC host stunned by new Trump ratings

New polling showing Black voter sentiment toward Donald Trump caused MSNBC's Chris Jansing to sit up and take notice Thursday.

Political strategist Cornell Belcher said the polling done by his organization, Brilliant Corners Research & Strategies, shows Donald Trump's job approval and favorability are at an all-time low with the Black community.

"I've been around doing polling for 30 years; I've never seen an official's numbers as bad as they are among Black voters, as Donald Trump's is right now," Belcher said, causing Jansing to interrupt.

"Really? So, you just broke some news here! What's behind it?" Jansing asked.

"What's behind it is a lot of the economic angst, but also, quite frankly, look the racism, right? What Donald Trump has done in the first moves in office is go after DEI, go after affirmative action programs...take Civil Rights leaders' names off of ships, right? If he was as focused on bringing down prices as he is focused on on diversity and equity, and stripping away diversity and equity in our government, we'd have really low, low prices right now. "

Jansing asked if that poll included young Black men, "many of whom voted in higher numbers for Donald Trump because of economic issues?"

"Of course it does," Belcher said, before clarifying, "If you look at the aggregate percentage of Black voters overall who voted for Donald Trump, it's nothing historic."

Belcher added, "I'm less worried about the number of Blacks who voted for Donald Trump and more worried about the horrendous turnout among among younger voters of both Black and Brown that we saw in the last election, and it means death for the Democrats and progressive movement moving forward if we cannot...find a better way to engage and meet these younger voters."

Watch the clip below via MSNBC.

Targeting Trump is not going to crush MAGA — here's where we need to hit

This week saw the five-year anniversary of the murder of George Floyd. It seems to have gone by without fanfare. Why? I think it’s because whatever gains were made after his death, in the name of equity, inclusion and justice, have been rolled back by the regime.

I think that’s because most Americans want it that way.

As Alma Rutgers wrote in the New Haven Register: “Now, five years later, George Floyd is all but forgotten. And the hope for change that followed his murder — the promise held by the massive rallies for justice throughout the country and in the heightened public understanding of Black Lives Matter — has been whitewashed away.”

The conventional wisdom is that the last election was decided by inflation, but I would argue it was decided by backlash. The protests that arose in the wake of Floyd’s death were some of the biggest in our country’s history. There was a feeling that something transformational was happening. Marginalized voices were suddenly getting platforms. Most important, respectable white people were taking them seriously.

But like all movements of progress in American history, it was met with reaction. No matter how criminal and constitutionally perverse Donald Trump is, it wasn’t as bad as Black and brown people — and women — getting a say in how the country is run. Sure, voters said they hated high prices. I believe them! I just don’t believe that was their reason for voting for Trump. There was something they hated more, something so normal as to be invisible. Indeed, it was hardly worth mentioning.

Because of the structural and historical power of white power, the political left in America has always been at a disadvantage, but the disadvantages seem greater these days. How do you move the country toward liberty and justice for all when a majority of Americans appears to be indifferent to justice or even hostile toward its administration?

I can’t say I know. That’s why I got in touch with Noah Berlatsky. As the publisher of Everything Is Horrible, a newsletter, Noah has what I don’t have: a sophisticated understanding of the state of the left. In the following interview, we talked about a range of issues relevant to the progressive project. How do we live in a constant state of regression?

JS: In your view, what is the left doing right? What is it doing wrong? Is Bernie Sanders the future or the past?

NB: I think there are a range of lefts doing a range of things, some of which seem like they’re working and some of which maybe less so. The Tesla takedown protests have been quite effective in making billionaire Elon Musk miserable and maybe prompting him to leave the White House, and I think a lot of people on the left have been involved in that.

Part of the putative left I’ve been most unimpressed with is cheering on Musk for gutting the US Agency for International Development. Nature estimates that’s going to kill 25 million people. I know that Ken Klippenstein distrusts all US foreign policy, but you should get it together to oppose fascists when they set out to murder 25 million.

More broadly, I think this is an opportunity for the left, since Trump is radicalizing a lot of people and since the left is generally the group leading the demands to fight — and fighting is very popular with Democrats, and I think in general. I think Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (AOC) has capitalized on this very intelligently, and has rallied a lot of her colleagues and the public to her, even those who might have been skeptical of her in the past.

Re Sanders — I think the rallies with AOC are a way of passing the torch. Which seems like a wise move: he’s 83! He still seems quite fit, but no one lives forever.

JS: Why are some progressives hellbent on overlooking bigotry and giving white working class folk endless benefit of the doubt?

NB: I think that we live in a very racist society, and people across the political spectrum are affected by that in a range of ways. The idea that the white working class represents true authentic Americana, or true authentic class struggle, is appealing to a lot of people, whether right, left or center.

JS: It seems to me that liberals don't talk about masculinity in ways that can counter the rightwing obsession with it. You might be the only one, Noah. Why is that? What needs to be done?

NB: I don’t think I’m the only one! I’ve learned a lot from writers like Kate Manne, Julia Serano, Tressie McMillan Cottom, Adam Jones … I don’t know. Just lots of folks.

I’m not sure the issue is that liberals or the left don’t talk about these issues in the right way, so much as the fact that a lot of people (definitely on the right, but not just on the right) have a lot invested in patriarchy.

So when people talk about issues affecting men, they tend to interpret the problem as being that men aren’t living up to their roles or privileges and rights in patriarchy, rather than thinking about the ways that patriarchy is a cruel system that harms people of all genders.

Just as one example, people talk about a male loneliness epidemic. But, you know, the people who are most horrifically affected by loneliness are people who are incarcerated. We are obsessed with solitary confinement in this country, and we use it to literally drive people insane. Most of those people are men. But they’re men who patriarchy has decided are worthless or don’t matter. We’re always wondering why cishet straight white guys aren’t model patriarchs, rather than looking at who patriarchy is grinding underfoot. Why isn’t mass incarceration seen as a quintessential problem for men in these discussions? It’s pretty clear why, but there are strong cultural and financial incentives not to address it in that way.

What’s to be done is kind of a frustrating question, because there are pretty obvious ways to help men. Stop preventing trans men from getting health care; better worker safety so working class men don’t suffer horrific workplace injuries; free health care so disabled men can get care, etc. There are lots of things we could do that would improve men’s lives, but instead we’re always diverting into talking about saving patriarchy, and then the left gets shamed for not cosigning Jordan Peterson’s hateful rants. We need to stop pretending that the way to help men is more patriarchy when it’s patriarchy that harms them.

JS: There is so much cynicism about public protest, even among progressives. Why is that? And do liberals understand that we're living in the shadow of the backlash against the George Floyd protests?

NB: Public protests have always been controversial. The current attack on pro-Palestinian protest is partly a backlash to the George Floyd protests, but I think it’s also the result of decades of bipartisan bad faith about Zionism and what it actually means on the ground for Palestinian people. There are a lot of liberal Zionists — Jewish and non-Jewish — who are very invested in an idea of Israel as a great triumph of human rights, and they do not want to hear the very ugly downsides.

That’s created powerful incentives to silence people pointing out those downsides. And unfortunately, the right has very adeptly seized on this liberal bad faith to target the students, professors and institutions that should serve as a bulwark against fascism here at home.

There are some signs that some people are beginning to see the evils here, both at home and abroad; like Dick Durbin has been voting against unlimited Israel aid, which is pretty stunning given his history with AIPAC (American Israel Public Affairs Committee). At the same time, you know, Chuck Schumer and Jonathan Greenblatt still provide Trump rhetorical cover when he goes after Palestinian protestors. So I just don’t know. It’s pretty bleak.

JS: Someone told me recently that the story no one is telling is the one about liberal resentment, as in: I will gladly suffer to see these Trump voters suffer. What do you make of that?

I’m not sure I’m seeing a lot of that. Or, I guess people are definitely angry, and there’s a lot of rage at the people who brought us to this. But I think in terms of an actual political wish-list or political policies, there’s not a lot of enthusiasm for, like, withholding disaster relief from red states — not least because the people you’d hurt most in those cases are the marginalized people who were least likely to vote for Trump in the first place.

I think we need accountability for MAGA leaders; like, not just Trump, but corrupt judges like Clarence Thomas, corrupt media figures like Jeff Bezos, Republicans who cosigned Trump’s assault on the Constitution, from Mike Johnson on down.

What that looks like, I don’t know. But I don’t know how we move forward if these people remain in power or suffer no consequences for the hatred and misery they’ve spread.

Western Pennsylvania is growing increasingly progressive: report

The recent elections showed that, in the swing state of Pennsylvania, areas known for being conservative are trending more progressive, according to a local report.

The urban side of Pennsylvania, in the east, has always been more Democratic, and the west more conservative. The Rust Belt was the once thriving part of the upper eastern part of the U.S., where industrial plants were successful but began to falter in the 1970s.

As jobs died, communities grew angrier and more desperate. It led to conservatives claiming to be the next savior. But by 2017, it was still an issue folks were talking about. "How to save the Rust Belt" was the Politico headline, and the debate has been about bringing new jobs back to the area.

The Pittsburg Post-Gazette explained that the progressive successes that happened again in the Tuesday elections are part of a trend, and they don't think it'll stop any time soon.

"It’s not new — and it’s far from over," the paper explained in an election post-mortem Wednesday.

There were progressive victories in Allegheny County Tuesday, and it's adding to the momentum for Democrats fighting back against Donald Trump, the report said.

“The part that becomes challenging is now governing,” explained a senior Democratic leader. “Campaigning against something is always easier — it’s easier to point out what hasn’t been done. [But] it will be a challenging time as they’re in charge, and now in charge of everything."

Progressive primary winners were Rep. Sara Innamorato for county executive, Matt Dugan for district attorney, incumbent County Councilwoman Bethany Hallam, and Erica Rocchi Brusselars for county treasurer, the report explained. The Pittsburgh mayor is a supporter of Innamorato's, too. This is the first time since the office was created that a woman is held the post.

“It’s because of you that we just changed county government for the better,” Mayor Ed Gainey told Innamorato’s supporters at the victory rally. “It’s because of you that we can create a county for all.”

State Sen. Jay Costa, a Democrat, explained that Democratic candidates have focused "on the issues" that local communities "care about." That's been the key to success, he suggested.

“Voters and candidates. The relationship between the two has been evolving,” said Costa. “In Democratic primaries, that is exactly what is taking place.”

The path didn't begin because of Donald Trump, Republican strategist Christopher Nicholas said. It's been going on for the past ten years.

“Over the last ten years, we’ve seen the old guard, more conservative Democrats… losing [races] and retiring. It’s just a turnover from one generation to the next," he claimed. He also thinks the blue stronghold is starting to look more solid in the west than in the east.

But it doesn't account for why the voters have been more willing to move from supporting conservative Democrats to more progressive ones.

Harrisburg is another city where conservatives are being knocked off. The report cited the politically influential Costa family. Two of the family members lost to progressive Democrats in 2018.

The Post-Gazette thinks that part of it is a "demographic shifts over the past ten to 15 years," said a senior Democratic leader.

"Earlier this year, Democrats won control of the House for the first time in more than a decade, but with only a one-seat margin," the report closed. "They retained control of the chamber on Tuesday with a special election win in a suburban Philadelphia district."

Read the full report at The Pittsburg Post-Gazette.

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