The rise and fall of a MAGA supporter
Nick Anderson is a Pulitzer Prize-winning editorial cartoonist.
Nick Anderson is a Pulitzer Prize-winning editorial cartoonist.
Wake up, America! While we’ve been distracted by the daily chaos of the Trump administration, something far more sinister has taken root in our country. It’s called Structural Eugenics (and a hat-tip to Qasim Rashid for putting this on my radar), and if you’re not furious about it yet, you damn well should be.
This isn’t some fringe conspiracy theory: it’s a coordinated assault on our most vulnerable citizens happening in broad daylight with deadly consequences.
Let’s be brutally honest here: the MAGA movement isn’t just pushing bad policy, they’re implementing a modern form of eugenics through selective attention and neglect.
Consider what the Trump administration is obsessively tracking: They’re monitoring autistic children, trying to build databases of women’s menstrual cycles, creating blacklists of anyone who criticizes Donald Trump or questions Israeli policies, surveilling transgender Americans, and targeting anyone who dares mention diversity or inclusion.
They’re establishing the infrastructure of authoritarian control with surgical precision.
Yet what are they deliberately NOT tracking?
— They’ve abandoned monitoring of vaccination rates as measles returns to kill our children.
— They’ve stopped counting Covid deaths even as hundreds of Americans still die weekly.
— They refuse to track gun violence despite firearms becoming the leading killer of American children.
— They’ve gutted environmental monitoring as our planet burns.
— They’ve dismantled food safety regulations while tens of thousands of Americans get sick and hundreds die every year from contaminated products.
This selective attention isn’t random: it’s strategic and deadly. It’s the implementation of a 21st-century form of eugenics through bureaucratic means. Rather than directly eliminating “undesirable” populations through the horrors of the 20th century’s firing squads and gas chambers, this approach simply withdraws protection from targeted groups while amplifying imaginary threats.
The Trump-Kennedy alliance represents the perfect storm for this deadly agenda. Robert F. Kennedy Jr.’s dangerous anti-vaccine propaganda will inevitably lead to the deaths of vulnerable children while Trump systematically disassembles the regulatory infrastructure that keeps Americans safe.
Meanwhile, they’re constructing elaborate systems to monitor and control the bodies and behaviors of anyone who challenges their worldview, particularly “uppity women.”
Consider Virginia, where Republican Governor Glenn Youngkin blocked legislation that would have prevented law enforcement from demanding, viewing, and compiling women’s menstrual histories. Think about that for a moment: Republicans want to track your daughter’s periods!
What possible legitimate purpose could that serve? It’s about control, surveillance, and, ultimately, determining which Americans get to fully participate in society without monitoring or harassment.
Women are downloading period tracking apps to understand their health, and now those very tools could become weapons of state control, with Trump brazenly telling TIME magazine that states “might” monitor women’s pregnancies to enforce abortion bans, as if such invasive surveillance is perfectly acceptable in what’s supposed to be a free country!
The treatment of transgender Americans under this regime is particularly telling. With nearly 600 anti-LGBTQ+ bills moving through state legislatures nationwide, we’re witnessing a coordinated campaign to legislate certain Americans out of existence. Eugenics, in other words.
This isn’t about protecting children or preserving sports; it’s about erasing people who don’t fit into their narrow vision of a straight, white, Christian, male–run America.
Perhaps most chilling is the Trump regime’s approach to political dissent. Palestinian students and other people of color who criticize American or Israeli policy face expulsion from school, imprisonment, and — after Trump decides they’ve spent enough time in jail to be appropriately punished for speaking out — eventual deportation. They’re holding Rümeysa Öztürk in jail right now, for example, for co-authoring an anti-Netanyahu editorial in the Tufts’ student paper over a year ago.
Trump has explicitly stated his intention to deport American citizens he dislikes, shredding due process protections enshrined in our Constitution. These aren’t the actions of a democratic government: they’re the hallmarks of fascism and dictatorial strongman rule.
The complete elimination of diversity, equity, and inclusion programs from federal agencies is another glaring sign of what’s happening and Trump’s embrace of white supremacy.
On his very first day back in office, Trump signed the executive order “Ending Radical and Wasteful Government DEI Programs and Preferencing,” systematically dismantling decades of progress toward a more inclusive society. The Department of Education has already canceled over $2.6 million in DEI-related contracts and removed hundreds of guidance documents from its website.
Their Project 2025 agenda isn’t about fiscal responsibility; it’s about ensuring that America’s institutions remain dominated by one certain group (wealthy straight white male Christians) while systematically excluding others.
Meanwhile, public health emergencies that threaten all Americans go unaddressed. Measles — a disease we had virtually eliminated — is back, killing children because of vaccine misinformation spread by the very people now running our health agencies. And whooping cough is quickly catching up.
At least three children have died in Texas from a measles outbreak while Kennedy, with his long history of dangerous anti-vaccine rhetoric, has been sending mixed messages about vaccination by promoting quack “healers” who push unproven and potentially harmful treatments.
And it gets worse: there are credible reports that the Trump administration has directed NIH officials to stop all research involving mRNA vaccine technology, a devastating blow to cancer research and treatments for numerous diseases.
Gun violence continues its grim harvest, particularly in communities of color, while Republicans literally prohibit the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention from even studying the problem.
Climate change — the existential threat of our time — is treated as a liberal conspiracy rather than scientific reality. Trump is reportedly considering an executive order to strip tax-exempt status from climate justice organizations, effectively silencing those fighting to save our planet. This isn’t governance; it’s the vindictive destruction of our future to enhance the profits of fossil fuel billionaires.
The gutting of food safety regulations might seem like a minor issue until you realize how many Americans — particularly the elderly, children, and immunocompromised — die from food-borne illness each year. These aren’t just policy disagreements; they’re life-and-death decisions being made with callous disregard for human suffering.
The most vulnerable Americans are being targeted through this structural eugenics approach. Low-income communities, Black and brown Americans, women, LGBTQ+ individuals: they’re all in the crosshairs of policies designed to determine who thrives and who suffers or even dies in Trump’s America.
This should concern all of us, regardless of political affiliation. When a government begins selecting which populations deserve protection and which don’t, no one is ultimately safe. Today it might be transgender kids or Palestinian students, but tomorrow it could be anyone who falls outside the ever-narrowing definition of Republican-acceptable Americans. Including you and yours.
We must recognize this for what it is: an attempt to reshape America through neglect, surveillance, and targeted harassment. We must fight back through every means available: in the courts, at the ballot box, in our communities, and in our daily lives.
Because make no mistake: structural eugenics isn’t just a theoretical concern for some distant future.
It’s here now, being implemented by people who believe some Americans are more valuable than others. And if we don’t stand against it with everything we have, we’re complicit in allowing this new form of eugenics to take root in the 21st century.
The time for polite disagreement and “strongly worded letters” is over. Our lives — and the soul of our democracy — quite literally depend on stopping this deadly experiment before it’s too late.
Also read: 'Never so scared': Furious pastor berates cops after witnessing tasing of MTG constituent
By Jessica Maddox, University of Alabama and Jess Rauchberg, Seton Hall University
Since 2020, content creator Remi Bader had accumulated millions of TikTok followers by offering her opinions on the fits of popular clothing brands as a plus-size woman.
In 2023, however, Bader appeared noticeably thinner. When some fans asked her whether she’d undergone a procedure, she blocked them. Later that year, she announced that she would no longer be posting about her body.
Enter snark subreddits. On Reddit, these forums exist for the sole purpose of calling out internet celebrities, whether they’re devoted to dinging the late-night antics of self-described “hot mess” Alix Earle or venting over Savannah and Cole LaBrant, a family vlogging couple who misleadingly implied that their daughter had cancer.
While the internet is synonymous with fan culture, snark subreddits aren’t for enthusiasts. Instead, snarkers are anti-fans who hone the art of hating.
Remi Bader attends New York Fashion Week on Feb. 10, 2025.
Dimitrios Kambouris/Getty Images for Tory Burch
After Bader’s refusal to talk about her weight loss, the Remi Bader snark subreddit blew up. Posters weren’t upset that Bader had lost weight or had stopped posting about her body size. Instead, they believed Bader the influencer, who’d built her brand on plus-size inclusion in fashion, wasn’t being straight with her fans and needed to be taken to account.
It worked. During a March 2025 appearance on Khloe Kardashian’s podcast, Bader finally revealed that she had, in fact, had weight-loss surgery.
Some critics see snarkers as a big problem and understandably denounce their tendency to harass, body shame and try to cancel influencers.
But completely dismissing snark glosses over the fact that it can serve a purpose. In our work as social media researchers, we’ve written about how snark can actually be thought of as a way to call out bad actors in the largely unregulated world of influencing and content creation.
Before there were influencers, there were bloggers. While bloggers covered topics that ranged from entertainment to politics to travel, parenting and fashion bloggers probably have the closest connection to today’s influencers.
After Google introduced AdSense in 2003, bloggers were easily able to run advertising on their websites. Then brands saw an opportunity. Parenting and fashion bloggers had large, loyal followings. Many readers felt an intimate connection to their favorite bloggers, who seemed more like friends than out-of-touch celebrity spokespersons.
Brands realized they could send bloggers their products in exchange for a write-up or a feature. Furthermore, advertisers understood that parenting and fashion bloggers didn’t have to adhere to the same industry regulations or code of ethics as most news media outlets, such as disclosing payments or conflicts of interest.
This changed the dynamic between bloggers and their fans, who wondered whether bloggers could be trusted if they were sometimes being paid to promote certain products.
In response, websites emerged in 2009 to critique bloggers. “Get Off My Internets,” for example, fashioned itself as a “quality control watchdog” to provide constructive criticism and call out deceptive practices. As Instagram and YouTube became more popular, the subreddit “r/Blogsnark” launched in 2015 to critique early influencers, in addition to bloggers.
Today the influencer industry has a valuation of over US$250 billion in the U.S. alone, and it’s on track to be worth over $500 billion by 2027.
Yet there are few regulations in place for influencers. A few laws have emerged to protect child influencers, and the U.S. Federal Trade Commission has established legal guidelines for sponsored content.
That said, the influencing industry remains rife with exploitation.
It goes both ways: Corporations can exploit influencers. For example, a 2021 study found that Black influencers receive below-market offers compared with white influencers.
Savannah and Cole LaBrant came under fire for implying that their daughter had cancer, in what their critics called a ploy for attention.
Danielle Del Valle/Getty Images for Lionsgate
Likewise, influencers can deceive or exploit their followers. They might use unrealistic body filters to appear thinner than they are. They could hide who’s paying them. They may promote health misinformation such as the controversial ParaGuard cleanse, a fake treatment pushed by wellness influencers that claimed to rid its users of parasites.
Or, in the case of Remi Bader, they might gain a huge following by promoting body positivity, only to conceal a weight-loss procedure from their fans.
For disappointed fans or followers who feel burned, snark can seem like the only regulatory guardrail in an industry that has gone largely unchecked. Think of snark as a Better Business Bureau for the untamable world of influencing – a form of accountability that brings attention to the scammers and hustlers.
Todays’s snark exists at the intersection of gossip and cancel culture.
Though cancel culture certainly has its faults, we approach cancel culture in our writing as a worthy tool that allows audiences to hold the powerful accountable. For example, communities of color have joined forces to call out racists, as they did in 2024 when they exposed lifestyle influencer Brooke Schofield’s anti-Black tweets.
Influencers build trust with their audiences based on being “real” and relatable. But there’s nothing preventing them from breaking that trust, and snarkers can swoop in to point out bad behavior or hypocrisy.
Within the competitive world of family vlogging, snarkers see themselves as doing more than stirring the pot. They’re truth-tellers who bring injustices to light, such as abuse and child labor exploitation. Some of this exposure is paying off, with more and more states introducing and passing family vlogger laws that require children to one day receive a portion of their parents’ earnings or restrict how often children can appear in their parents’ videos.
Yes, snark can veer into cyberbullying. But that shouldn’t discount its value as a tool for transparency. Influencers are ultimately brands. They sell audiences ideas, lifestyles and products.
When people feel as if they’ve been misled, we think they have every right to call it out.
Jessica Maddox, Assistant Professor of Journalism and Creative Media, University of Alabama and Jess Rauchberg, Assistant Professor of Communication Technologies, Seton Hall University
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
A word about David Hogg, Reince Priebus and how to combat Republican smears. But first, here’s a video. It’s short. Watch it.
As you may know, Priebus is the former chairman of the Republican National Committee. ABC News’ Jonathan Karl’s question to him is about the apparent conflict of interest Hogg has. Hogg is the vice chair of the Democratic National Committee, but he’s also involved in a progressive outfit that’s pledged to raise $20 million to primary out incumbent Democrats that it sees as too comfortable to stay.
The question is a serious one. Priebus could have landed a punch Hogg couldn’t recover from. Instead, Priebus just couldn’t help himself. He decided to smear the Democrats by way of smearing Kilmar Abrego Garcia, whose deportation case has dominated headlines for weeks.
“The Democrats are a complete mess,” Priebus said. “They’ve got no message. They’ve got no movement. They’ve got no leader. It doesn’t get any worse than that. You’re defending Harvard. You’re traveling to El Salvador for MS-13 gang members” (meaning Kilmar Abrego Garcia).
Another Democrat – another older Democrat – would have done a couple things. One, ignore the lie about Abrego Garcia being a gang member. Two, accept the lie as valid in order to demonstrate some kind of bona fides. This is what U.S. Sen. Chris Van Hollen did when he said: “I am not defending the man. I’m defending the rights of this man to due process. And the Trump administration has admitted in court that he was wrongfully detained and wrongfully deported.”
Hogg does neither. He takes the smear head on.
“This was not an MS-13 gang member and you damn well know that,” Hogg said. “The administration admitted that it was wrong. In America, we have due process and we are a land of law and order. This administration keeps showing time and time again that they do not care what the Supreme Court says, they do not care about the rule of law and you cannot defend sending people to another country.”
There is risk in this. After all, this is America. It’s a plain reality that a lot of white people are going to look at a brown Spanish-speaking immigrant of Central American extraction as a gang member simply because they are terrible people. To them, men like Kilmar Abrego Garcia are already guilty of something on account of who they are.
But I think the tradeoff is worth it. By centering the smear, Hogg put ownership of it back on Reince Priebus’ shoulders, thus calling into question the character of a man who would stoop so low. “Oh, come on” was Priebus’ feeble retort to Hogg’s “and you damn well know that.”
The other benefit is robbing the Republicans of validation and the appearance of a consensus. It robs them of more chances to keep pushing and pushing with greater lies and smears and bad faith, until it’s impossible for the Democrats to take their own side in the fight.
Another thing that an older Democrat would have done that Hogg does not do is dismiss the lie as distraction. That word doesn’t get enough scrutiny. What it means is this: “I’m not going to bother debating racism with racists. Instead, I’m going to try appealing to their wallets.”
This thinking was evident in comments made to The Hill recently by an unnamed Democratic operative. “People can’t afford eggs, and … you’re flying to sit with someone who’s accused of being in a gang,” they said.
“Republicans have given us such an opportunity with DOGE and … with Trump tanking the economy. Obviously, you can walk and chew gum at the same time, but I don’t think we can take our eyes off the prize in terms of talking about real world impacts and how people are being hurt in their everyday lives by some of these policies.
“Democrats want to think that everyone has the same morals and values that we do, and we want to think that everyone’s outraged by the same things that we are and we want to be the ones to help people and stand up for the moral injustices. That doesn’t necessarily win elections though, and last cycle was proof positive of that. We need to step back and wait for someone to be deported who has a really compelling story that’s devastating that Average Joe’s upset about.”
Translation: when the Trump regime deports a white person, then we can talk. As long the subject is a brown Spanish-speaking immigrant of Central American extraction, all this is wasted effort and a distraction.
Kilmar Abrego Garcia. Abrego Garcia Family/Handout via REUTERS
I posted this to Bluesky last week and said it was a textbook example of Democrat conceding to white power. A shrewd reader demurred. “That's not conceding to white power. It is agreeing with white power.”
It’s also misreading the moment. More polls are showing majorities disapproving of the president’s handling of immigration (and virtually every other major issue). I don’t think that’s because voters have suddenly rediscovered their love for the rule of law. (They elected Donald Trump, after all.) What’s happening is the case of Kilmar Abrego Garcia is generating a kind of “media ambience” that people can feel without actually understanding the details of his case. A similar ambience about prices (ie, eggs) informed the last election.
There’s already “a really compelling story that’s devastating that Average Joe’s upset about.” And Democrats like Hogg are refusing to accept Republican bad faith that might dilute that story’s impact.
Also read: 'Never so scared': Furious pastor berates cops after witnessing tasing of MTG constituent
Ever since Franklin D. Roosevelt’s first hundred days, “the first hundred days” of a presidency has become the first test of presidencies.
It’s been assumed that, like FDR, a successful president in the first hundred days gets a lot done and aggregates lots of power to do it.
Trump has now revealed the fatuousness of that view.
No modern president has done as much as Trump has done in his first hundred days — to trash human rights, undermine our alliances, threaten the independence of our universities and the press, stymie progress on climate change, decimate our civil service, shaft the poor, harm the working class, worsen the economy, and leave much of our government in tatters.
And his efforts to amass power have ridden roughshod over the Constitution, ignored the federal courts, usurped the authority of Congress, and turned the Justice Department into a sewer for personal vengeance.
The most important lesson of Trump’s first hundred days is that the test of a successful president after 100 days has nothing to do with how much he gets done or how much power he accumulates.
The real test is how much better off are the people, and how much stronger is our democracy.
By these measures, the second term of Trump is beyond a doubt the worst travesty in American history.
Robert Reich is a professor of public policy at Berkeley and former secretary of labor. His writings can be found at https://robertreich.substack.com/.
It didn’t happen in some shadowy back alley or under the cover of night.
It happened in broad daylight — in the heart of an American courthouse.
Federal agents, acting without even the decency of a signed warrant, stormed into Judge Hannah Dugan’s courtroom on Friday morning and dragged her away like a common criminal. No warning. No legal process. No respect for the law she had spent a lifetime upholding.
But they made sure the cameras were there, so America could see what they were doing. Because this was not about justice. This was about terror.
This was a warning shot aimed directly at the beating heart of America’s judiciary: “Fall in line — or you’re next.”
In that moment, the world’s oldest democracy lurched closer to the edge of authoritarian rule. In that moment, America became a little less free — and a lot more like the nightmare Vladimir Putin always hoped we’d become.
The FBI arrested Judge Hannah Dugan last Friday without even having a legal arrest warrant; this is as outrageous and police-state illegal as an administration can get.
And Pam Bondi’s performance Friday — after her federal agents swarm-raided this county judge — wasn’t staged for the general public.
The real audience was a very small, select group: America’s judges.
Their message is very simple: “Piss us off, judges, and you could end up in prison, too.”
Trump has already pacified the Article I branch of government — Congress — and now he’s in the process of pacifying the Article III branch, the Judiciary.
There are only 3 branches to our government: cowing both Congress and the nation’s Judiciary will leave only the president in charge of the entire country under all circumstances in all ways.
Nothing and nobody else will be able to stop him, short of a military coup (and he’s already decapitated the senior leadership of the military) or unending demonstrations in the streets (demonstrators who may soon face live ammunition).
That is called dictatorship. Real dictatorship. Putin-style dictatorship where you are punished for the smallest deviation from orthodoxy and can find yourself in prison or sued into bankruptcy if you dare speak out in public.
It appears more and more every day that Putin is Trump’s mentor, if not his handler. Trump is doing everything he can, with help from a South African billionaire, to destroy the historic American infrastructure (which has been an example for the world for 250 years) and turn us into the newest member of the dictators club, joining Russia, China, Saudi Arabia, Belarus, Hungary, North Korea, and the rest of the fascist and authoritarian world.
To get there, now that they’ve pacified every single Republican member of Congress (most recently, Don Bacon criticized Trump’s schizophrenic tariffs; a day later he started talking about retiring), they only have to seize control of the Judiciary, and then nothing except We The People will stand in their way.
Nothing. Will. Stand. In. Trump’s. Way. Except We the People. And he knows it.
Look at the striking parallels between Putin’s strategies and Trump’s actions:
From installing Trump’s loyalists in the military and the federal police agencies of the Department of Justice and FBI, to his open threats against freedom of the press, to the GOP’s efforts to rig elections and purge voters, Trump’s subversion of US democracy looks eerily familiar.
He’s taking pages directly from the autocrat’s handbook.
Trump has openly quoted and praised autocrats like Putin and Hungarian strongman Viktor Orbán, who has presented his leadership in speeches to the GOP and CPAC as a model of an “illiberal” state.
Trump’s not hiding his admiration for dictators; he’s flaunting it. And now he’s putting the final stages of their script into action.
Trump’s movement toward authoritarianism follows “a known playbook. It’s unfolded in many other countries,” as journalist Anne Applebaum notes. “These are democratically elected leaders who characterize themselves or describe themselves as deserving of no opposition. So I am the true Hungarian, or I am the only real American.”
In a mere matter of weeks into his presidency, Applebaum says, Trump and his allies “have managed to push America into that space somewhere between (no longer) democracy and full-scale autocracy.”
The speed is shocking, but it shouldn’t be surprising. It only took Hitler 53 days to completely end democracy in Germany. Others, like Lukashenko, Orbán, Putin, Mussolini, Duterte, El-Sisi, and Erdoğan took longer (none longer than two years), but you could argue that Trump has been working at this project for 9 years now.
Harvard professor Steven Levitsky, who studies how democracies slip into authoritarianism, warns that we’re heading toward what experts call “competitive authoritarianism”: regimes that “constitutionally continue to be democracies” with regular elections and legal opposition, but where “systematic abuse of power tilts the playing field against the opposition.”
Make no mistake about what’s happening: Trump and his allies are methodically working through a four-step process to establish complete autocratic control, which will turn America into a one-man dictatorship.
1. Terrorize Congress: Trump’s already largely succeeded here. Republican lawmakers now march in lockstep with his agenda, afraid to oppose him even when their consciences scream otherwise. The V-Dem Institute already warns that Trump’s actions are “extremely worrying” for American democracy.
2. Terrorize the Media: Trump has, as The Washington Post writes, “relentlessly attacked the free press, another pillar that allows democracies to stand above authoritarian regimes,” as political scientists have noted. “He has echoed the worst dictators in history, calling journalists the ‘enemy of the people.’” With help from Elon Musk and other billionaires, he’s creating a media and social media environment where truth itself is under assault. And last week his administration threatened to arrest journalists and charge them with treason, an offense for which they could be executed.
3. Terrorize Judges and Lawyers: What we witnessed Friday with the raid on a county judge and the arrest of a retired judge earlier in the week is just the beginning. The final step in this process will be intimidating the Supreme Court, and if Trump’s minions can first terrorize the entire federal judiciary, it will be much easier to terrorize members of the Court itself, just like Putin and Orbán have done. This follows dangerous cracks in democracy’s pillars that experts have been warning about.
4. Terrorize Citizens: Once the above institutions are captured and there’s no more Constitutional opposition to Trump, the final phase begins: crushing individual dissent through fear, persecution, and potentially violence. This is the playbook Malcolm Nance detailed in his work analyzing Putin’s strategies to undermine American democracy and has already started against immigrants and student visa holders. If history tells us anything, American citizens will be next.
Most of this is already in place; time is running out fast.
Trump and his fellow fascists know their time is running out because elections are coming in a handful of months and their popularity is already crashing. They are at maximum power right now, and it is already beginning to decline.
This is another reason why they are pushing so hard to frighten judges, so they can implement the final destruction of any Constitutionally-based opposition to Trump’s one-man rule.
If Trump can consolidate authoritarian rule as quickly as some other historical dictators did, the complete (albeit hopefully temporary) end of American democracy could happen very rapidly, possibly even in the next few weeks or months. The window for action is closing fast.
But there’s still hope, because we’re still We The People. As long as our protest movement continues to grow and demand a stop to the damage Trump and Musk are doing to our democratic republic, we may be able to slow or even stop this anti-American cabal and reclaim our republic.
Our protesting in the streets and reaching out to legislators may encourage resistance within the media and courts, and might even inspire a handful of Republicans to stand against this wannabe dictator.
When democratic institutions fail, the last line of defense has always been citizens willing to take to the streets. Ukraine provides the most powerful recent example of how a determined populace can rescue democracy from Russian-inspired authoritarianism.
During Ukraine’s Euromaidan protests in 2014, over half a million people joined demonstrations in Kyiv to defend democracy against creeping authoritarianism. Those protests ultimately ended Viktor Yanukovych’s Russia-backed puppet regime (and kicked out its Russian-funded American advisor, Paul Manafort, who later became Trump’s 2016 campaign manager) and became known as the Revolution of Dignity.
Ukrainians stood firm in the streets despite violence and intimidation, and their courage changed history.
Ukraine’s later Orange Revolution similarly empowered ordinary citizens to engage in mass protests, with some lasting continuously more than two weeks. This peaceful revolution successfully defended Ukraine’s democratic aspirations against Russian influence and showed the world that people power can overcome autocratic manipulation.
Putin fears democracy, particularly at his doorstep like in Ukraine and the Baltic states. He knows that democracy is contagious, and any spread near Russia, he believes, poses an existential threat to his autocratic rule. That’s why he invaded Ukraine, and that’s why he spent millions on social media trolls to support Trump’s election and his assault on our democratic institutions.
As Ukrainian historian Hanna Perekhoda warns, “If we let Russian authoritarians win, it will mean that the authoritarian forces also in our countries, in the U.S., for example, will grow stronger.”
If this assault on the Courts (and the implied intimidation of all judges including those on the Supreme Court) succeeds, and the media continues to bow down, the only thing left will be us in the streets.
People protest against Donald Trump, in Washington. REUTERS/Kent Nishimura
The time for half-measures, “very strong letters,” and polite political disagreement has passed. We are watching in real-time as our 250-year experiment in democracy is being dismantled by a would-be dictator taking his cues from — or, at least, modeling his presidency on — Vladimir Putin.
This is not hyperbole. This is not partisan exaggeration. This is the stark reality facing our nation today. Fascism and dictatorship are at our doorstep.
Just last week, it was reported that Trump has now deported three American citizens, including a child taking cancer therapy.
Not content to just pull student visas and ask them to leave the country, Trump’s goons have been imprisoning students for writing OpEd articles for weeks. And now they’re show-arresting judges.
The arrest of Judge Dugan is not an isolated incident; it’s part a broader strategy to intimidate the judiciary and consolidate power.
When judges are arrested for upholding the principles of due process, the very foundation of democracy is at risk. This moment demands vigilance and action from all who value the rule of law.
The preservation of our democratic institutions depends on our collective response to such unprecedented challenges.
Buckle up, America. Democracy itself is on the line, and if the courts fall, we’ll be its last defenders.
Friends,
This is the 14th week of the odious Trump regime. Wednesday will mark its first 100 days.
The U.S. Constitution is in peril. Civil and human rights are being trampled upon. The economy is in disarray.
At this rate, we won’t make it through the second 100 days.
Federal judges in more than 120 cases so far have sought to stop Trump — judges appointed by Republicans as well as Democrats, some appointed by Trump himself — but the regime is either ignoring or appealing their orders. It has even arrested a municipal judge in Milwaukee who merely sought to hear a case involving an undocumented defendant.
Recently, Judge J. Harvie Wilkinson III of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit — an eminent conservative Reagan appointee who is revered by the Federalist Society — issued a scathing rebuke of the Trump regime. In response to its assertion that it can abduct residents of the United States and put them into foreign prisons without due process, Wilkinson wrote:
“If today the Executive claims the right to deport without due process and in disregard of court orders, what assurance will there be tomorrow that it will not deport American citizens and then disclaim responsibility to bring them home? And what assurance shall there be that the Executive will not train its broad discretionary powers upon its political enemies? The threat, even if not the actuality, would always be present, and the Executive’s obligation to ‘take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed’ would lose its meaning.”
Judge Wilkinson’s fears are already being realized. Early Friday morning, ICE deported three U.S. citizens — aged 2, 4, and 7 — when their mothers were deported to Honduras. One of the children, having Stage 4 cancer, was sent out of the United States without medication or consultation with doctors.
Meanwhile, the regime continues to attack all the independent institutions in this country that have traditionally served as bulwarks against tyranny — universities, nonprofits, lawyers and law firms, the media and journalists, science and researchers, libraries and museums, the civil service, and independent agencies — threatening them with extermination or loss of funding if they don’t submit to its oversight and demands.
Trump has even instructed the Department of Justice to investigate ActBlue, the platform that handles the fundraising for almost all Democratic candidates and the issues Democrats support.
At the same time, Trump is actively destroying the economy. His proposed tariffs are already raising prices. His attacks on Fed chief Jerome Powell are causing tremors around the world.
Trump wants total power, even at the cost of our democracy and economy.
His polls are dropping, yet many Americans are still in denial. “He’s getting things done!” some say. “He’s tough and strong!”
Every American with any shred of authority must loudly and boldly sound the alarm.
A few Democrats and progressives in Congress (Bernie Sanders, AOC, Cory Booker, Chris Van Hollen, Chris Murphy) have expressed outrage, but most seem oddly quiet. Granted, they have no direct power to stop what is occurring, but they cannot and must not appear to acquiesce. They need to be heard, every day — protesting, demanding, resisting, refusing.
Barack Obama has spoken up at least once, to his credit, but where is my old boss, Bill Clinton? Where is George W. Bush? Where are their former vice presidents — Al Gore and Dick Cheney? Where are their former Cabinet members? They all must be heard too.
What about Republican members of Congress? Are none willing to stand up against what is occurring? And what of Republican governors and state legislators? If there were ever a time for courage and integrity, it is now. Their silence is inexcusable.
Over 400 university presidents have finally issued a letter opposing “the unprecedented government overreach and political interference now endangering American higher education.” Good. Now they must speak out against the overreach endangering all of American democracy.
Hundreds of law firms have joined a friend-of-the-court brief in support of law firm Perkins Coie’s appeal of the regime’s demands. Fine. Now, they along with the American Bar Association and every major law school, must sound the alarm about Trump’s vindictive and abusive use of the Justice Department.
America’s religious leaders have a moral obligation to speak out. They have a spiritual duty to their congregations and to themselves to make their voices heard.
The leaders of American business — starting with Jamie Dimon, the chair and CEO of JPMorgan Chase, who in normal times has assumed the role of spokesperson for American business — have been conspicuously silent. Of course they fear Trump’s retribution. Of course they hope for a huge tax cut. But these hardly excuse their seeming assent to the destruction of American democracy and our economy.
Journalists must speak out too. In the final moments of last night’s “60 Minutes” telecast, Scott Pelley, one of its top journalists, directly criticized Paramount, CBS’s parent company. “Paramount began to supervise our content in new ways,” he told viewers, explaining why the show’s executive producer, Bill Owens, had resigned.
“Stories we pursued for 57 years are often controversial — lately, the Israel-Gaza War and the Trump administration. Bill made sure they were accurate and fair. He was tough that way. But our parent company, Paramount, is trying to complete a merger. The Trump administration must approve it.”
Shari Redstone, the controlling shareholder of Paramount, is seeking the Trump regime’s approval for a multibillion-dollar sale of the media company, and Paramount is obviously intruding on “60 Minutes” content to curry favor with (and not rile) Trump.
Kudos to Pelley for speaking out and to Bill Owens for resigning. We need more examples of such courage. (They both get this week’s Joseph Welch Award, by the way, while Shari Redstone and Paramount get this week’s Neville Chamberlain.)
***
Friends, we have witnessed what can happen in just the first hundred days. I’m not at all sure we can wait until the 2026 midterm elections and cross our fingers that Democrats take back at least one chamber of Congress. At the rate this regime is wreaking havoc, too much damage will have been done by then.
The nation is tottering on the edge of dictatorship.
We are no longer Democrats or Republicans. We are either patriots fighting the regime or we are complicit in its tyranny. There is no middle ground.
Soon, I fear, the regime will openly defy the Supreme Court. Americans must be mobilized into such a huge wave of anger and disgust that members of the House are compelled to impeach Trump (for the third time) and enough senators are moved to finally convict him.
Then this shameful chapter of American history will end.
Robert Reich is a professor of public policy at Berkeley and former secretary of labor. His writings can be found at https://robertreich.substack.com/.
Want to understand the levers of power in Wisconsin? Our statehouse team writes a weekly preview of what’s on the agenda in state politics and why it matters. It's called Forward. Here's an example of what you could see in your inbox every Monday by subscribing here.
Milwaukee County Circuit Court Judge Hannah Dugan was arrested on Friday for allegedly helping a man living in the United States without legal status evade federal immigration authorities. Dugan faces two federal felony counts — obstruction and concealing an individual.
Dugan’s case is similar to a 2019 case brought by federal prosecutors against Massachusetts Judge Shelley M. Richmond Joseph. In that case, Joseph was accused of helping an unauthorized immigrant avoid an Immigration and Customs Enforcement agent after a court appearance.
In both cases, federal officials alleged the state judges allowed the defendants to exit their courtrooms through alternative routes to avoid federal immigration officials waiting outside the courtrooms in publicly accessible areas.
In a criminal complaint filed last week, federal officials alleged that Dugan confronted immigration enforcement officials outside of her courtroom as they waited for a defendant who was scheduled to appear before her finished his court business. Witnesses reported that Dugan “was visibly upset and had a confrontational, angry demeanor,” according to the complaint. Dugan asked to see the warrant the immigration officials were acting upon and then referred them to see the county’s chief judge.
After returning to the courtroom, Dugan then escorted the man and his attorney through a door that leads to a “nonpublic area” of the courthouse, the complaint states.
A similar series of events unfolded in the Massachusetts case. After learning that an ICE agent was waiting to arrest a defendant, Joseph eventually had the man exit the courtroom through a nonpublic exit, federal authorities alleged in a 2019 indictment. A separate court official then helped him exit the building through a back door.
The Massachusetts case was dismissed in 2022. In exchange, Joseph referred herself to the Massachusetts Commission on Judicial Conduct, per The New York Times.
One key difference between the two cases: Joseph was indicted. Dugan was served a criminal complaint. To secure an indictment, prosecutors have to present evidence to a panel of everyday Wisconsin residents and convince them there is probable cause a crime has been committed. For criminal complaints, officials only have to get the sign-off of a federal judge, but then later have to secure an indictment from a grand jury, two former federal prosecutors told Wisconsin Watch.
Now, the federal government has 21 days to seek an indictment, according to Laurie Levenson, a law professor at Loyola Marymount University and a former federal prosecutor.
“It is unusual that this happened with an arrest and complaint because there really is no indication that the Judge was a flight risk or danger to the community,” she told Wisconsin Watch in an email. “They easily could have gone to the grand jury first and summoned her in IF the grand jury wanted to indict.”
Stephen Kravit, a Milwaukee area attorney and former federal prosecutor, said criminal complaints are rare in the Eastern District of Wisconsin and are usually reserved for “an exigent situation where the defendant’s whereabouts aren’t specifically known or the presence in this area is temporary.”
“None of that applies to a sitting Circuit Court Judge,” he added in an email.
Instead, Kravit said, “this was done in a hurry to make a political point.” He added, “Normally, a person charged even with felonies aged 60+ with no record and no chance of fleeing would be summoned to show up at an appointed time for booking and arraignment. Not here. And that was the point.”
🚘 Budget road trip. The Joint Finance Committee will hold a pair of hearings on Monday and Tuesday this week, stepping away from the Capitol in Madison to hear from Wisconsin residents in Hayward and Wausau about what they want included in the state’s next two-year budget.
It will be the third and fourth time so far that the committee has heard from the public on the spending plan. But as the GOP-controlled committee continues to go through the motions of crafting the budget, Assembly Speaker Robin Vos, R-Rochester, indicated last week that Republican lawmakers could punt on passing a new budget altogether.
Vos was reacting to a Wisconsin Supreme Court decision that left intact a move from Gov. Tony Evers that provided for annual public school funding increases for the next 400 years. “It's certainly a possibility if we can't find a way for us to get to a common middle ground,” Vos said of spiking the funding plan last week on the “Jay Weber Show.” “But that's not the goal.”
“It's something we're talking about, but it wouldn't be the first go-to,” Vos added, noting that it has never happened before. The state has passed a budget every two years since 1931, according to the nonpartisan Legislative Reference Bureau.
But even if the Legislature were to pass on sending a new spending plan to Evers, things in the state wouldn’t shut down. In Wisconsin, the state continues operating at the existing spending levels until a new budget is approved.
📈 Student homelessness rising. Homelessness among K-12 Wisconsin students reached a new high in 2024, increasing 9% over the previous year despite total enrollment declining slightly.
That’s according to a new report from the Wisconsin Policy Forum, which found that a little more than 20,000 Wisconsin students were homeless in 2023-24. If that figure seems high, it’s because it is. Homelessness among students is counted using a definition that is more expansive than the one employed by the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development. The federal McKinney-Vento Act defines homeless children and youth as those “who lack a fixed, regular, and adequate nighttime residence.”
It’s the third straight year that student homelessness increased in Wisconsin, the report found, reaching a new high since the state Department of Public Instruction started keeping data in 2019.
“The number of students affected by homelessness has grown and is likely to continue to remain high in the near future as an insufficient supply of affordable housing remains a lingering problem throughout the state,” the report concludes. “Addressing the needs of this high-risk group of students could benefit not only them but also Wisconsin’s educational outcomes overall.”
Thoughts and prayers.
On Thursday, April 17, a 20-year-old boy, a student, walked around FSU’s sunny campus, firing a handgun. Two dead; six injured.
The response from our elected leaders? The usual: “Thoughts and prayers.”
The governor of the State of Florida said he was “praying,” adding, “We are all Seminoles today.”
First Lady Casey DeSantis: “Praying.”
Sen. Rick Scott: Also “praying.”
The president of the United States called the attack “terrible, a shame,” then blew off any suggestion of gun control reform, saying he’s a “big advocate of the Second Amendment.”
Maybe he missed the praying memo.
I teach at FSU; and that Thursday afternoon, I was locked down in my office.
It was frightening, yes; it was also horribly familiar. This is America: Sandy Hook, Virginia Tech, Columbine, Uvalde, Nashville, Parkland.
The Tallahassee Democrat reported that several survivors of the 2018 Marjorie Stoneman Douglas shooting were on campus that day.
Robbie Alhadeff’s sister Alyssa died at MSD: “Something has to change,” he said.
Graduate student Stephanie Horowitz saw people running and knew instantly what was happening.
Jason Leavy was a freshman at MSD when Nikolas Cruz murdered 17 people. He knew, too, and started barricading his classroom door.
“It’s the least surprising thing in the world, honestly,” he said.
Every one of those kids has been through multiple active shooter drills. Many faculty have, too.
We are supposed to shove desks against our doors, turn off the lights, “harden” our schools and churches and college campuses and act as though we’re grateful when politicians express their insincere and frankly insulting “sympathy.”
Nobody wants their feeble prayers and, as for their thoughts, if the violence-loving reactionaries in charge of this state were actually capable of thoughts they’d realize things do not have to be this way.
From the state Capitol to the U.S. Capitol, politicians shrug: Guns matter more than people; children, high school students, college students — they don’t give the big money to political campaigns.
The Second Amendment trumps all the others.
We’re supposed to accept there’s nothing anyone can do: This is just the way things are.
As The Onion’s evergreen mass shooting headline goes, “‘No Way to Prevent This,’ Says Only Nation Where This Regularly Happens.”
But the kids ain’t all right; the kids are scared — and furious.
Florida State University students marched to the Capitol on April 23, 2025, less than a week after a gunman opened fire on their campus, calling for legislation on guns and school safety. (Photo by Jay Waagmeester/Florida Phoenix)
Last Tuesday, a group of FSU students braved the morally noxious fumes of the Capitol to demand sensible gun control, red flag laws, firearm storage legislation — commonsense stuff like that.
Madalyn Probst, president of the FSU College Democrats, said, “The fact that they are able to sit in this place and prioritize weapons over my life, my friends’ lives, and the lives of my community around me is deplorable.”
Problem is, the grown folks in charge don’t care.
“The fact that they are able to sit in this place and prioritize weapons over my life, my friends’ lives, and the lives of my community around me is deplorable.”
– Madalyn Probst, FSU College Democrats
The Florida House has approved a bill allowing 18-year-olds to buy guns, repealing a law they passed after the murders at Marjorie Stoneman Douglas High School.
We don’t let them drink, but hell, they can get themselves a nice Taurus 9mm semi-automatic handgun — just like the one used to kill three and wound five at Michigan State University in 2023.
Here at FSU, you can still see the mountains of flowers and teddy bears where the wounded and dead fell. Yet the governor — who has the emotional intelligence of a poison dart frog —continues to push what he calls “Second Amendment Summer.”
If you’re buying a gun or ammo between Memorial Day and the Fourth of July, you don’t have to pay sales tax.
Because we want more people packing heat.
The FSU atrocity was Florida’s sixth mass shooting and the 27th school shooting in the nation.
This year. So far.
The grown folks in charge are obsessed with “protecting” children from fluoride and potentially life-saving vaccines.
No letting them near books like “And Tango Makes Three,” lest they want to become gay.
No letting them discover trans people and queer people are real and deserving of dignity.
They can’t stand the thought of high schoolers reading Toni Morrison’s “Beloved” or “The 1619 Project,” lest they learn about the horrors of slavery.
They are terrified college students might study sociology, delve into political theories suggesting organizational models for the state that don’t insist our version of rapacious capitalism is the best, or encounter books that challenge religious or cultural orthodoxies.
As for sex, they don’t even want to think about it — unless, of course, the teenaged daughter gets pregnant or the teenaged son gets an STD.
They insist on shielding kids from a slew of normal human realities, but not gun violence.
It’s OK for young people to grow up knowing how to barricade themselves inside a classroom or learn strategies for evading a mass shooter but not appreciate poetry or play a musical instrument or master a foreign language.
It’s OK for them to live scared of that loner kid or that angry-looking guy or some person they can’t see, someone who wants to spill as much blood as possible.
The freedom to get a gun any time for any reason is more important.
So, we have Sandy Hook, Virginia Tech, Columbine, Uvalde, Nashville, Parkland, and now FSU.
One of my students reminded me there was supposed to be a “United Against Hate” symposium in honor of Maura Binkley on April 17.
Maura Binkley was the student shot and killed at a yoga studio in 2018 along with another woman.
The symposium was to promote campus safety, but it had to be canceled.
The FSU building where it should have taken place was a crime scene.
Maura Binkley was murdered by a guy who hated women.
The young man who allegedly walked around campus shooting his classmates hates people of color — he’s a Trump supporter and a white supremacist.
He told a fellow student Black people were ruining his neighborhood.
The United States government manufactures hatred against anyone who’s not a white Christian, embracing violence against its citizens.
Nowhere is safe.
A few words about trust in the government, and I don’t mean the usual words about it.
Usually, we mean “conservatives” don’t trust. No matter how well and fairly the government actually performs, they still don’t, and they still don’t, because trust is a red herring. What they don’t really trust is a government out of their control that works for everyone, equally.
We don’t need to talk about that anymore. What we need to talk about is the people who normally trust the government, meaning liberals. And we need to talk about the fact that, unlike “conservatives” who distrust the government for phony reasons, liberals have real reasons. The Trump regime is actively trying to hurt the American people.
To give you just one example, the FDA announced this week that it would stop requiring drugmakers to use animal testing and instead permit artificial intelligence. I don’t know about you, but I do not want a robot to tell me whether a drug is going to hurt, maim or kill me. I want a human being to make that judgment based on human science.
This example is a snapshot of still emerging reality that virtually none of us has fully reckoned with: there are things that all of us have taken for granted, for pretty much our entire lives, that we can no longer take for granted. I’m talking about things that we never think about: food inspection, air quality control, drug safety, deposit insurance, etc. And because we never had to think about them, we could live our lives.
Now? Well, given that the president chose to tank the markets this week, it’s been hard to think about the things I want to do, because I’m preoccupied with the things I have to do, because I no longer have a government that will do those things quietly in the background.
I mean, for the first time in my life, I’m thinking about stuffing my mattress with cash. Not because of the stock market crash, though that was bad enough for my retirement, but because the regime is poised to gut the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation. The FDIC is the agency that has made it possible for everyone to walk around minding their own business, safe in the knowledge that no matter how stupid your banker is, your money won’t go down with him.
And government isn’t the only thing to distrust these days.
The news media, the universities, the legal profession and all the companies whose products we buy every day – all of them are kneeling before the evil, not because they are being forced to, but because they seem to believe they can bargain with it. And our distrust is justified in cases like Columbia University's. It completely caved to the regime’s demands and now the regime wants to take over the university.
Right now, the Democrats are rebuilding, as they should. But the congressional elections are far away. The next presidential election, assuming we have one, is even farther. Meanwhile, the regime is taking a wrecking ball to everything that we have taken for granted since, I don’t know, the 1930s? And what no one is talking about is this: none of us knows how to live like this. We will figure it out. We will have to. But we can’t start until we admit to the truth of what’s happening to us.
The Trump administration just gutted Meals on Wheels. Seriously. Meals on Wheels!
Donald Trump didn’t just “disrupt” America; he detonated it. Like a political Chernobyl, he poisoned the very soil of our democratic republic, leaving behind a toxic cloud of cruelty, corruption, and chaos that will radiate through generations if we don’t contain it now.
He didn’t merely bring darkness; he cultivated it. He made it fashionable. He turned cruelty into currency and made ignorance a political virtue.
This man, a grotesque cocktail of malignant narcissism and petty vengeance, ripped the mask off American decency and showed the world our ugliest face. He caged children. Caged. Children. He laughed off their cries while his ghoulish acolytes used “Where are the children?” as a punchline for their next QAnon rally.
He welcomed white supremacists with winks and dog whistles, calling them “very fine people,” while spitting venom at Black athletes who dared kneel in peaceful protest.
He invited fascism to dinner and served it on gold-plated Trump steaks. He made lying the lingua franca of the right, burning truth to the ground like a carnival barker selling snake oil from a flaming soapbox.
And let’s not forget the blood on his hands: 1,193,165 dead from COVID by the time he left office, 400,000 of them unnecessarily, dismissed as nothing more than “a flu,” while he admitted — on tape — that he knew it was airborne and knew it was lethal. His apathy was homicidal, his incompetence catastrophic.
He tried to overthrow a fair election. He summoned a violent mob. He watched them beat cops with American flags and screamed “Fight like hell!” while cowering in the White House, delighting in the destruction like Nero fiddling as Rome burned.
And now, like some grotesque twist on historical fascism, Trump’s regime is quietly disappearing even legal U.S. residents — snatched off the streets by ICE and dumped into El Salvador’s CECOT mega-prison, a dystopian nightmare of concrete and cruelty.
One such man, Kilmar Ábrego García, had legal status and a home in Maryland. But Trump’s agents defied a federal court order and deported him anyway, vanishing him into a foreign hellhole so brutal it defies comprehension.
This isn’t policy: it’s a purge. A test run for authoritarian exile. And if Trump’s not stopped by Congress, the courts, or We The People in the streets, it won’t end there.
But somehow, he’s still here, waddling across the political stage like the Stay Puft Marshmallow Man of authoritarianism, bloated with power, empty of soul, and reeking of spray tan and sulfur.
Donald Trump didn’t just bring darkness: he’s a goddamn black hole, a gravity-well of cruelty sucking the light out of everything he touches.
This is a man who desecrates everything good.
Empathy? He mocks it. Truth? He slanders it. Democracy? He’d bulldoze it for a golf course.
And if we let him continue, he won’t just end democracy — he’ll make damn sure it never rises again.
So the question is: are we awake yet?
Or will we let this orange-faced death-cult leader finish the job he started, grinning over the corpse of the America we once believed in?
Now is not the time to kneel: it’s the time to rise. Stay loud, stay vigilant, and show up. Every protest, every march, every call to DC, every raised voice chips away at the darkness.
Democracy isn’t a spectator sport: it’s a fight, and we damn well better show up for it.
A while back, when I was still traveling internationally for work, I was coming home from Cartagena. I flew coach, the flight wasn’t full, and the young woman in my otherwise empty row was chatty.
Normally I’d put in headphones and avoid eye contact, because that’s the kind of selfish a-hole I can be, but this young lady had ‘vulnerable’ stamped on her forehead. She was petite and visibly nervous. She kept looking at a photo of someone, maybe her sister or mom, then putting it to her chest, then looking out the window, then back at the photo. Had she turned the photo toward the window to share the view, I’d have changed rows. She didn’t.
Her English was as broken as my Spanish, but we managed to exchange small talk, mostly about immediate things: what’s on the menu, our flight attendant is pretty, and does that man’s snoring behind us sound normal? It gave her comfort to talk, so I kept it up and we never went beyond the trivial.
Eventually I guess we both fell asleep, or at least I did, because the next awareness I had was the captain on the loudspeaker announcing our approach to Chicago.
Since it was an international flight, after we got our luggage, we both headed for US Customs. We walked together, her decision, and she got in line right behind me. I pressed the search button and got treated to a pat-down and hands on the stuff in my suitcase. I hadn’t smuggled anything in, nothing to declare, all was well. But once I was free to walk on, I overheard the customs agent behind me, speaking to my new friend.
One of the features of adult life in America is awareness of the ego of others. It’s an American pastime—or maybe it’s just my own- to diagnose the root cause of social pathologies when surrounded by them. A woman in a grocer’s aisle talking too loudly, arguing on her cellphone, likes the sound of her own voice. A man blaring music loud enough to shake the car windows next to him didn’t get enough (any?) attention as a child. The woman wearing excessive mascara and a pushup bra lacks self worth. Etc., etc., etc.
These are innocuous, every day annoyances from people around us. They don’t affect us personally, and, let’s be real, judging strangers lets us avoid judging ourselves. But on occasion, because we have to renew our drivers license or pay property taxes at the window of a government worker, we all experienced men and women with tiny chips of power. You know them instantly. They exaggerate their own authority over minuscule matters, including you, either to convince themselves or us. They crave agency. Their self-importance is so consuming one wonders what it’s like to live with them and hopes they live alone, no pets.
Well, this guy, on this day, at Customs, was that guy. He was fine with me, but sniffed out my friend’s vulnerability like a vampire sniffing out blood. I don’t remember what he said, but he was unnecessarily aggressive. She was Peruvian, and there was evidently some problem with her paperwork. He raised his voice and repeated whatever question it was he had. She started shaking, he relished her fear, and put his face close to hers, the better to smell it. His stance changed to a strut, and my memory may embellish here, but I’m pretty sure he thrust his thumbs into the top of his belt and tipped back, southern sheriff like.
I’ll never know what happened to her, whether she was trying to enter the States illegally, her nervousness admitting some perfidy on her part. But the unnecessary aggression of the customs agent got my back up. I stepped back toward the line and called back to her, “Are you okay?” She looked at me with giant eyes but didn’t respond. The Customs agent did. He left his target frozen in place and strutted toward me, relishing the plot twist. “Who do you think you are? Are you some kind of lawyer?” “Yes, in fact.” “Are you trying to be her lawyer?” “No, I’m trying to be her friend.” “Well, friend, unless you want to go where she’s going, what makes you think any of this is any of your business?”
To my eternal shame, I shot him a snarl and walked on. I like to tell myself it was because I was traveling on my client’s dime, and needed to get to the office. Or that I didn’t know immigration law so WTF did I think I was doing? But the truth is, I was intimidated. He was the worst kind of creep, a man of low intellect and high power. He enjoyed his authority. It was personal to him, so he made it personal for everyone else.
Reading about all the people Trump is having seized at the border, on mere suspicion or an unfortunate tattoo, I admire the travelers’ advisories issued by our allies. Citing instances of foreign nationals being detained for days or weeks, or expelled at the US border, our allies have begun warning their citizens about traveling here. Denmark, Finland, Germany, and the UK are among many countries that have recoiled from ICE’s heavy hand and warned their citizens not to come, or, if they do, to be aware of what kind of place they are entering. Canada issued its advisory on April 4, warning about potential detentions. Denmark’s travel advisory, like those of France and Finland, warns people thinking about traveling to the US that they will be forced to declare a gender on ESTA and visa applications and that it better match whatever it says on their birth certificate.
Germany warns its citizens about excessive documentation requirements and heightened border checks, and spells out the chip of power dynamic: “Neither a valid ESTA authorization nor a valid U.S. visa constitutes a right to entry into the USA. The final decision regarding entry is made by the U.S. border official. It is recommended that you bring proof of your return journey (e.g., flight booking) upon entry. There is no legal recourse against this decision. German diplomatic missions abroad are unable to influence the reversal of a denial of entry.” The UK warns people that, “even a slight overstay of their visa upon entry or exit can lead to arrest, detention, and deportation.”
These warnings are not limited to tourism. International student enrollment, which exceeded 1.1 million last year, will drop dramatically this year, as will the tuition those universities relied on. Research scientists working in the U.S. are looking to get out. Foreign CEOs have turned away from investing here.
Watching the men with shaved heads corralled and assembled like cattle in El Salvador’s CECOT, where Trump is imprisoning people on mere suspicion, I appreciate the travel advisories. Reading about the two young German travelers who spent 14 days in detention for failure to make hotel reservations before they landed in Hawaii, I recall that my happiest trips were like the one they had in mind: unplanned, unmapped, and free.
I respect the travelers’ advisories from our allies, even as I know they will grow more severe. I worry about universities losing tuition, our labs losing scientists, and small innkeepers losing tourism dollars. I think about Kilmar Abrego Garcia and the gay makeup artist sent to an El Salvador dungeon, remember the young lady on the flight from Cartagena, and cry at what America has become.
Sabrina Haake is a 25+ year federal trial attorney specializing in 1st and 14th A defense. Her columns are published in Alternet, Chicago Tribune, MSN, Out South Florida, Raw Story, Salon, Smart News and Windy City Times. Her Substack, The Haake Take, is free.
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