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These 6 treacherous Trump lackeys will never be forgotten — or forgiven

The losers in political battles often insist that history will prove them right and their opponents wrong. As comforting a thought as this may be for people licking their political wounds, it is rarely true. History forgets far more than it remembers. Apart from a few major players, even people who gain a degree of prominence in the politics of their time will eventually disappear into the black hole of advancing years. Their victories, defeats, glories, and disgraces — all blown away by the wind of time like dust on their gravestones.

If there is any group today that deserves the censure of history, it is the Republican members of Congress. Faced with the existential threat that President Donald Trump poses to our democracy, their nearly unanimous response has been to worshipfully give him whatever he wants — reducing their role to little more than handmaidens to a would-be tyrant.

These people have been given the honor of serving as representatives in the United States Congress. And all the Constitution asks of them in return is to take and honor an oath to support and defend the Constitution.

One by one, these Republicans raise their right hands and take the oath of office. Then one by one, they quickly throw that oath away.

But as deserving as these Republican politicians are of history’s censure, most will likely escape it. There are just too many of them — 535 total senators and representatives, with approximately 272 of them currently Republican. Trump will, of course, be remembered and judged severely. The same goes for a few prominent congressional leaders. But as for the rest, within a relatively brief time, as measured by the long view of history, they will be forgotten, their sins forever interred with them in their graves.

But for justices of the United States Supreme Court, it is a different story. Unlike the Congress, the Supreme Court is made up of only nine justices. And of those nine current justices, only six have consistently supported Trump’s authoritarian actions. When it comes to the judgment of history, these few justices will have no place to hide and no crowd to be lost in. If they continue to support Trump’s ever-growing list of power grabs, their treachery, and yes it would be treachery, will never be forgotten and certainly never be forgiven.

The origin story of the current far-right Supreme Court majority begins 43 years ago, in 1982, when Ronald Reagan was president and car radios blasted out songs like “Eye of the Tiger” and “I Love Rock and Roll.” That was also the year the Federalist Society was born. Best described as a breeding ground for right-wing judges, it has led a decades-long quest by wealthy conservatives to produce a dependably right-wing Supreme Court.

They knew doing this would take time, and they were prepared to play the long game. The Federalist Society’s core strategy is to embrace and groom conservative law students. With easy access to almost limitless funding from their wealthy conservative patrons, the society has had no need to pinch pennies.

They have helped to establish Federalist Society chapters in law schools across the country, financed scholarships to Federalist Society seminars, arranged social opportunities for student members to meet and converse with prominent judicial conservatives, and much more. Later, after law school, the group works to connect prized prospects with leading right-wing judges for prestigious clerkships, putting them on the path to future judicial appointments of their own.

All six of the current far-right justices have strong connections with the group. They grew up as lawyers in an environment that strongly encourages the use of the law as a weapon to remake America into a far-right paradise. These six far-right justices are called conservatives, but this is true only in the political sense of the word. They are anything but conservative in the judicial sense.

Traditional judicial conservatism is based upon things like respect for precedent and a commitment to judicial restraint, neither of which in any way describes the actions of these six justices. Not only have they repeatedly overruled well-established precedents, they have shown no consistent judicial philosophy in doing so. And even when they do purport to follow a particular judicial philosophy, such as originalism, it is often little more than a smokescreen.

One “good” example from an earlier time is District of Columbia v. Heller, decided in 2008, in which the Supreme Court, for the first time, held that the Second Amendment creates a private right to gun possession. In writing the majority opinion, Justice Antonin Scalia claimed to follow an originalist view of the Constitution and that history supported this view. The audaciousness of this claim led to a number of conservative as well as liberal constitutional scholars rejecting the court’s rationale.

Even then, it was the political result that mattered, not the jurisprudence. This court isn’t about judicial philosophy and legal principles. It is about the raw application of power for political ends — political ends that are largely contrary to the preferences of a majority of the American public.

But then, why would it be otherwise? Does anyone believe that the small collection of massively wealthy families who funded this conservative judicial revolution did so out of concern for judicial philosophy? Of course not. These wealthy families spent their hard-earned money — or perhaps more accurately in many cases their hard-inherited money — for concrete political ends. They wanted to increase their wealth and power even further by reducing government regulation, destroying labor unions, cutting worker protections, ending government protection of the environment, force feeding right-wing religious dogma, and the rest of the fat catalog of the daydreams of the greed-is-good crowd.

And if these ends can best be achieved by flushing functioning democracy down the toilet, they will shed few tears. And if one is to judge by their actions since Trump returned to the presidency, the current right-wing justices seem ready to drive the train.

But there is a tenuous basis for hope. One characteristic shared by almost all Supreme Court justices is a profound concern over their historical legacy. These are smart people. Even living within the isolating fog of the far-right, at least a few of these justices must recognize they are dancing with a legacy of infamy. If defending democracy and the constitutional separation of power is not enough to motivate them to push back against Trump’s authoritarian actions, perhaps their certain condemnation by history will be.

The Dred Scott opinion was handed down almost 170 years ago, but the shame of the decision hasn’t lessened with time. The primary legacy Chief Justice Roger B. Taney left behind was a full-throated defense of the evil of slavery and racism. And that is how history remembers and damns him.

Few things are guaranteed in this world, but one thing seems certain. If the Supreme Court majority continues down the road of aiding and abetting Trump’s quest for dictatorial power, they are inviting an infamy far worse than Taney’s.

This is something the six justices should remember, because history will never forget.

  • Steven Day practices law in Wichita, Kansas and is the author of The Patriot's Grill, a novel about a future America in which democracy no longer exists, but might still return.

This ruthless rightwing group will control the Supreme Court for years to come

By Paul M. Collins Jr. and Tim Komatsu, UMass Amherst.

During the 2016 presidential election campaign, candidate Donald Trump took the unprecedented move of releasing a list of his potential Supreme Court nominees.

But Trump didn’t assemble this list himself. Instead, he outsourced the selection of his judicial appointments to leaders of the Federalist Society, an organization in the conservative legal movement.

As Trump explained in a 2016 interview, “We’re going to have great judges, conservative, all picked by the Federalist Society.”

This was a strategic decision by Trump. By turning to the Federalist Society, he was able to court conservative and evangelical voters who may have been otherwise uneasy with supporting the former New York City real estate mogul.

In his first presidential term, Trump appointed three justices affiliated with the Federalist Society – Neil Gorsuch, Brett Kavanaugh, and Amy Coney Barrett – in addition to hundreds of lower federal court judges. Federalist Society affiliates are current or former members of the organization, as well as individuals who interact with the group, such as by attending Federalist Society events, but who may not claim membership.

We are political science scholars who recently published research in a peer-reviewed journal showing that Supreme Court justices affiliated with the Federalist Society are more conservative and more consistently conservative than other justices, meaning they seldom deviate from their conservative voting behavior.

Our research suggests that, despite Trump’s recent criticism of the organization and its leadership, justices affiliated with the Federalist Society will advance the conservative legal agenda decades into the future. But this won’t always involve supporting Trump’s agenda.

Here’s what you should know, and why it matters.

The Federalist Society

The Federalist Society for Law and Public Policy Studies was founded in 1982 with the goal of providing intellectual spaces for conservative law students who felt their views were dismissed by the legal field. It has grown tremendously over the past 40 years. Today, it boasts more than 200 chapters and over 70,000 members.

Unlike other conservative public interest groups, it does not advocate for specific issue positions. Instead, it promotes its goals primarily through education and networking.

The Federalist Society’s educational mission is pursued chiefly in law schools. That’s where it trains the next generation of lawyers in the approaches and goals of the conservative legal movement. This includes promoting the judicial philosophy of originalism — the idea that the best way to interpret the U.S. Constitution is according to how it was understood at the time of its adoption.

Originalism is often used to justify conservative outcomes.

For example, Justice Clarence Thomas, a prominent member of the Federalist Society, has called for using originalism to reconsider Supreme Court precedents involving the right to contraception, same-sex marriage and same-sex consensual relations.

The Federalist Society network also connects junior members with more senior members, helping young lawyers obtain prestigious clerkships and positions in government and the legal profession. These lawyers tend to associate with the Federalist Society throughout their careers.

Federalist Society affiliates learn that promoting the group’s interest is also a way of promoting their self-interests as they move up in the legal world.

For Supreme Court justices, this networking has tangible benefits. For instance, Justice Samuel Alito accepted a luxury fishing vacation in 2008 organized by Leonard Leo, the former executive vice president and current co-chair of the Federalist Society. The estimated cost of the fishing trip was more than $100,000.

And Thomas was treated to decades of high-end vacations and private school tuition for his grandnephew — whom he raised as a son — by billionaire businessman Harlan Crow, a Federalist Society donor.

In short, the Federalist Society is a network of lawyers and judges who share a conservative outlook on the world and aspire to etch the conservative agenda into law through judicial decisions.

Our research

Our research sought to answer two interrelated questions. Are justices affiliated with the Federalist Society more conservative than nonaffiliated justices, and are they more consistently conservative?

To illustrate this, consider former Justice David Souter, whom President George H.W. Bush appointed in 1990 and who had no connections to the Federalist Society. Despite being a Republican appointee, Souter often voted with the court’s liberal members, such as upholding abortion rights in 1992. In 2005, he wrote the majority opinion in a ruling that prevented the Ten Commandments from being displayed in courthouses and public schools.

To determine whether justices affiliated with the Federalist Society are different from even other judges appointed by Republican presidents, we examined almost 25,000 votes cast by Supreme Court justices between 1986 and 2023. We started with 1986 because that’s when the first justice affiliated with the Federalist Society – Antonin Scalia – joined the high court.

We classified votes as conservative or liberal according to a well-established methodology. For example, conservative votes support the restriction of reproductive freedom, are anti-business regulation and generally disfavor policies that promote the rights of vulnerable populations, such as the LGBTQ+ community. Liberal votes do the opposite.

We found that justices connected to the Federalist Society are about 10 percentage points more likely to cast a conservative vote than other justices, even other justices appointed by Republican presidents. And they are more consistent in their voting behavior, seldom casting votes that go against their conservative values.

Lasting impact

These findings have important implications. Justices on the modern Supreme Court serve for about a quarter-century on average. And every current Republican-appointed member of the court is affiliated with the Federalist Society.

This means that Americans are likely to see justices affiliated with the Federalist Society advance the agenda of the conservative legal movement for decades to come. This has already happened in recent decisions that curtailed reproductive freedom, eliminated affirmative action in college admissions and expanded the powers of the president, including immunizing the president from criminal prosecution.

President Trump has recently had a high-profile breakup with the Federalist Society, calling Leo a “sleazebag” and expressing his disappointment with the organization.

Trump’s outburst followed a ruling by the U.S. Court of International Trade that blocked his sweeping tariff program against China and other nations. This happened despite one of Trump’s first-term judicial appointees sitting on the panel.

Notwithstanding this acrimony, this term will give justices affiliated with the Federalist Society the opportunity to further solidify the conservative agenda. Cases involving LGBTQ+ rights and federal elections are on the docket. And the court will be adding other important issue areas as it fills out its caseload for the 2025-26 term, which starts on the first Monday in October.

'Chump at the table': Dems can't get enough as Trump sparks new right-wing civil war

WASHINGTON — After a slow start, President Donald Trump has been ramping up the pace of judicial nominations — but it remains to be seen if his recent public breakup with the increasingly far-right Federalist Society will impact the quality of his picks.

While Senate Republicans have tried to stay out of the fray, Democrats have enjoyed watching the brewing right-wing civil war.

“I love it. It's delicious,” Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse (D-RI) told Raw Story.

“It's a fine sight to have those two corrupt factions warring with each other, and it puts the point on the fact that this is, in fact, a captured [Supreme] Court. Trump is just discovering that the wrong people captured it.”

‘Got what they wanted’

In late May, after Trump’s new tariff regime was blocked in federal court, the president lashed out at first-term allies who helped him transform large swaths of the federal judiciary.

“I was new to Washington, and it was suggested that I use The Federalist Society as a recommending source on Judges. I did so, openly and freely,” Trump wrote on Truth Social, before lashing out at one of the group’s longtime leaders by name.

“But then realized that they were under the thumb of a real ‘sleazebag’ named Leonard Leo, a bad person who, in his own way, probably hates America, and obviously has his own separate ambitions.”

Leo is the fundraising Svengali behind a range of right-wing groups who has become a bête noir of Democratic progressives.

Leo did not fire back at Trump — in public, at least — choosing to tell reporters he was "very grateful for President Trump transforming the federal courts.”

Regardless, Democrats can’t get enough.

“Listen, those are judges that Trump nominated,” Sen. Jeff Merkley (D-OR) told Raw Story. “The whole strategy of the Federalist Society was to create a court that ruled in favor of corporations and the rich. They got what they wanted.

“If you want a conspiracy thesis that is actually true, it's how [the Federalist Society was] created 30 years ago for this purpose, basically, to ensure that we don't have government by and for the people, but by and for the powerful, and the Federal Society succeeded.”

Other Democrats agree that Trump got played.

“It's a little bit Bizarro World,” Sen. Whitehouse said, referring to the world in the Superman comics in which everything is the opposite of the same thing on Earth.

“But it's not Bizarro World if you have thought that you appointed a court that was going to do what you wanted and you've discovered that you've appointed a court that's going to do what the polluter billionaires want, and you got had in the scheme.

“You were the chump at the table. You weren't the person who was calling the shots.”

Whitehouse pointed to the libertarian-leaning Koch brothers — billionaires Charles and David Koch, the latter now deceased — and their political advocacy group Americans for Prosperity, which opposed Trump in the 2016 Republican presidential primary.

“That was real combat back then,” Whitehouse said.

But the former Rhode Island attorney general said it was evident the Koch brothers came around to Trump after he pledged to only nominate Federalist Society approved judges for lifetime appointments.

“The combat evaporated, and the Federalist Society list emerged,” Whitehouse said.

“Now it wasn't the Federalist Society list. The Federalist Society never considered a list, never approved a list, never had a list on the agenda — not a thing. But they called it a Federalist Society list to give it some cover.

“Every clue points to there having been a deal where the Koch political apparatus would back off of thrashing Trump and the Kochs would get to appoint his Supreme Court justices.

“House of Trump is beginning to figure out that they had their pants pulled down around their ankles by the House of Koch.

“It appears now that Trump has finally figured out that he was the chump in the scheme, and that his rivals, who he despised, the Kochs, actually picked his Supreme Court justices.

“They've got the 100 percent batting record at the Supreme Court for polluter interests, and he does not have a 100 percent batting record.”

‘Those who will serve him’

Republican senators have tried to avoid the rift between Trump and the Federalists altogether.

“What have you thought of this little spat between Trump and the Federalist Society?” Raw Story asked.

“Who? I don’t keep up with that — why would I keep up with that?” Sen. Tommy Tuberville (R-AL) said. “It’s for you guys. We got day jobs.”

The chair of the Senate Judiciary Committee also shrugged off the spat.

“I don't know anything about the fight between the Federalist Society and Trump,” Sen. Chuck Grassley (R-IA) told Raw Story.

In Trump’s first term, Senate Republicans confirmed 234 of his picks to fill vacancies on the federal bench. But after former President Joe Biden and Senate Democrats confirmed 235 federal judges between 2021 and 2025, there just aren’t many vacancies left to fill.

That’s partly why Trump didn’t get his first federal judicial nominee confirmed until July 14th, just before senators left Washington for their summer recess.

Before Trump sent five more nominations to the Senate on August 12th, an Associated Press review found “roughly half” of his first 16 judicial nominees had “revealed anti-abortion views, been associated with anti-abortion groups or defended abortion restrictions.”

While such views are in line with those of the Federalist Society, the top Democrat on the Senate Judiciary Committee, Sen. Dick Durbin (D-IL), said Trump was deploying a new litmus test.

“Don't look for any consistency. He is just looking for those who will serve him personally,” Durbin told Raw Story.

“Occasionally the Federalist Society, which was the secret handshake of Republicans for so many years, disappoints him.”

Keeping Trump from the White House is all that matters

The danger and consequences locally and globally of electing Donald Trump for a second time must be stressed every hour of every day between now and Nov. 5.

That’s because this election is first and foremost a matter of national security at home and abroad, and Trump poses a grave threat to both.

This election is not a matter of politics as usual.

Nor is this election about the “crucifixion” of Trump by a “deep state.”

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Or the selling of an overpriced Bible by a lifelong atheist portraying himself as a Christian on Easter Sunday and International Transgender Day of Visibility.

The 2024 election is about Trump posting a video on Truth Social of a picture of President Joe Biden hog-tied on the back of a MAGA pickup truck allegedly on its way to a funeral of a New York police officer killed in the line of duty.

This election had also been about gag orders not going far enough and the failure to implement sanctions to lock Trump up for threatening prosecutors, judges, family members and witnesses — at least until Monday night's ruling in the Manhattan case by Judge Juan Merchan.

The deference to Trump thus far has had absolutely nothing to do with the First Amendment or the fact that he is running for president. It has had everything to do with the institutional failure of the U.S. criminal justice system to treat Trump — who faces 88 felony charges across four separate criminal cases — the same as anyone else who threatens the fair administration of the due process of justice.

ALSO READ: EXCLUSIVE: Congress raids presidential campaign fund in surprise reversal

A victory this fall by Trump threatens the end of American democracy as we have known it for some 250 years.

At best, a second Trump administration would usher in a new domestic order of illiberal democracy and disinformation. At worst, it would result in the United States’ entry into an anti-democratic axis of autocratic, plutocratic and kleptocratic nations.

Open recognition of these realities must become an everyday part of the 2024 presidential election.

Trump’s desired illiberal democracy or authoritarian regime is being brought to the nation by the thinking and planning of Turning Point USA, the Federalist Society, the Heritage Foundation, the American Legislative Exchange Council, and the Conservative Partnership Institute.

This coalition of conservative “stink” tanks led by the Heritage Foundation are all in with Trumpism and they have helped to produce Project 2025. This 920-page report was published in 2022 and “promises revenge, oppression, and autocratic rule,” says Thomas Zimmer writing for Democracy Americana.

The foreword, “Mandate for Leadership,” was written by Heritage Foundation President Kevin Roberts. According to Zimmer, “In just 17 pages, it captures and oozes the siege mentality, self-victimization, and grievance-driven lust for revenge that is fueling the Right and animating the plans for a second Trump administration.”

ALSO READ: 11 ways Trump doesn’t become president

Their agenda is also in alignment with the conservative decision making of the U.S. Supreme Court that, since 2010, has been empowering corporations, stripping individuals of their rights and chipping away at the checks and balances of the U.S. Constitution.

As we have all witnessed, the far-right supermajority Supreme Court is all in with Trumpism. They have been busy running interference for the insurrectionist-in-chief and delaying the trials of the four time criminally indicted presumptive GOP nominee.

The New York Times Magazine published an extensive interview with the Heritage Foundation’s Roberts back in January of this year entitled: Inside the Heritage Foundation’s Plans for "Institutionalizing Trumpism."

Some of the highlights from this interview included that Roberts had nothing but praise for Viktor Orbán’s autocratic regime in Hungary. Echoing Steve Bannon, Trump’s former chief strategist, he acknowledged that he, too, wants to destroy the administrative state. Roberts also wants to fire 50,000 federal workers.

Roberts echoes McCarthyism, as well, when he asserts that Chinese communists have infiltrated the U.S. government. He also believes that there is a communist plot in the highest echelons of American power, although he has conceded this may only be a socialist plot.

Who said you can’t make this stuff up?

The administration of Trump 1.0 (2017-2021) was uninitiated and disorganized. It was full of chaos and disorder. It experienced resistance from within its own corridors of power. Beyond the Oval Office, it was still subject to institutionalists, to checks and balances, to the rule of law.

As Barton Gellman has reflected in The Atlantic’s special issue, “If Trump Wins,” the former president “tried and failed to cross many lines during his time in the White House. He proposed, for example, that the IRS conduct punitive audits of his political antagonists and that Border Patrol officers shoot migrants in the legs.”

That didn’t happen.

But following Biden’s victory in 2020, Trump and a sizable number of his supporters operationalized several schemes to overturn a legitimate election, including a failed insurrection that violated section three of the 14th Amendment.

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The contending forces of political power combined were barely enough to impede Trump from his desire to remain — at any cost — in the White House as an unelected commander-in-chief.

Many politicians and politicos, as well as former officials from the Trump 1.0 administration, believe that if Trump is re-elected that he will not leave office after a second term. As former Rep. Liz Cheney has been saying, a vote for Trump may very well become “the last election that you ever get to vote in.”

Trump may face criminal referral from Jan. 6 committee, Cheney saysFormer Rep. Liz Cheney (R-WY) has questioned whether American democracy will survive another Trump presidency. (Robert Gauthier/Los Angeles Times/TNS)

Trump 2.0 (2025-?) would be very different from Trump 1.0 for several reasons:

First, Trumpian lawlessness, corruption and weaponization of state attorney generals has taken over and spread throughout the Republican Party.

Second, the next Trump administration will be experienced and far better organized around Trumpian goals than the last one.

Third, the internal resistance and the threat of governmental institutionalists will have subsided. Rule of law itself will even become a secondary threat to Trump so long as he’s a free man.

Fourth, in the next administration, only political loyalists need apply for work. And loyalty oaths — not to the U.S. Constitution but to dictator Trump — will almost assuredly be implemented throughout the administration and civil service, if not across American society.

The continuing if not escalating assault on American democracy and the rule of law since Jan. 6 by Trump and his captured GOP including their desire to sanction the fourth estate, to deconstruct democratic institutions, and to weaponize law enforcement are all in sync with the rising waves of anti-democratic and authoritarian movements worldwide.

In the contemporary world, Trump’s nationalist “America first” vision of the United States has aligned with other illiberal and authoritarians engaged in populist rule underpinned by xenophobia, scapegoating and political targeting. What all these countries share in common is that they are trending toward fascism, standardization and disinformation.

For example, 30 years after the collapse of the Soviet bloc, we have President Vladimir Putin invading Ukraine and promising another Russian Empire.

In Brazil, there was former Army Captain Jair Bolsonaro elected to office in a landslide in 2018. He had surfed an anti-corruption wave promising to put an end to the “old politics” — only to be defeated in 2022 by the progressive and former jailed President Lula da Silva. Bolsonaro, a Trump ally and fellow failed insurrectionist, hung out at Mar-a-Lago after his defeat. After only six months, the Brazilian Electoral Court barred Bolsonaro from running again for political office until 2030.

In Argentina, there is the self-described “narco-capitalist-libertarian” and recently elected President Javier Milei. The 53-year-old economist and TV pundit ran on a ticket promising to reduce the size of government and three decades of triple-digit inflation. With the backing of the International Monetary Fund and the Davos crowd, Milei broke the hegemony of the nation’s two leading political forces — the Perónists, or left-of-center party, and the older conservative party, the Union Civica Radical.

Most recently in the Netherlands, there was the election of the anti-Islamic leader Geert Wilders. As the new prime minister, he is promising to spread the populist message, shake up democratic institutions and break a few rules.

So what do we have to do to save American democracy from its impending demolition?

In the long term, we must change and modify the electoral and constitutional systems of politicking and governing that have brought the United States to this historical quagmire in American democracy. There are no shortages of necessary reforms, recommendations, and programs waiting in the wings to be implemented for ameliorating our dysfunctional “bipartisan” democracy.

I have summarized these in Indicting the 45th President: Boss Trump, the GOP, and What We Can Do About the Threat to American Democracy that was published on April 1.

However, without the defeat of Trump in November, there will be no chance or opportunity to correct the existential crisis that consumes us all.

In the short term, therefore, we must do everything in our collective power to make sure that Biden is returned to office for a second term in 2025.

This entails convincing all voters, especially anti-Trump Republicans, independents and short-sighted Democrats, as well, that this election has little to do with partisan politics and policies.

It has everything to do with saving our democratic republic from Trump, Trumpism and the former Grand Old Party that has morphed and metastasized into something unrecognizable and dangerous.

Gregg Barak is an emeritus professor of criminology and criminal justice and the author of several books on the crimes of the powerful, including Criminology on Trump (2022) and its 2024 sequel, Indicting the 45th President: Boss Trump, the GOP, and What We Can Do About the Threat to American Democracy.

Jim Jordan and James Comer have a new judicial plan: Protect GOP megadonors at all costs

WASHINGTON – Republicans in Congress aren’t just doing all they can to impeach the Biden name – and possibly President Joe Biden himself – they’re also going to extraordinary lengths to protect two billionaire GOP megadonors who helped the party remake the Supreme Court in recent years.

For one, House Judiciary Committee Chair Jim Jordan (R-OH) and Oversight Committee Chair James Comer (R-KY) are trying to stymie Washington, D.C. Attorney General Brian Schwalb’s investigation into Federalist Society co-chairman Leonard Leo.

Schwalb is looking into allegations that Leo is illegally profiting off non-profits. Jordan and Comer have responded by threatening to subpoena Schwalb.

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Meanwhile on the other side of the U.S. Capitol, Republicans on the Senate Judiciary Committee walked out en masse, boycotting Democrats’ effort to subpoena Leo and Republican jurisprudence sugar daddy Harlan Crow over the hundreds of thousands of dollars in gifts he’s given to Justice Clarence Thomas and his wife Ginni over the decades, according to a ProPublica investigation.

The GOP offensive to protect two billionaire donors is blatant hypocrisy, according to ethics watchdogs.

“There are many senators who will say anything. I mean, as long as it's their guy, they'll defend anything, and they have no consistency whatsoever and they're completely hypocritical,” Melanie Sloan, a senior adviser for nonpartisan watchdog American Oversight, told Raw Story.

ALSO READ: Florida judge’s son is a neo-Nazi patron: data leak

In today’s tribal and perpetually warring Congress, it seems even pay-to-play politics are now partisan. While Senate Republicans are vowing to use all procedural tools at their disposal to block Leo and Crow from being subpoenaed, most in the party are also backing the Biden impeachment inquiry because they say Hunter Biden was selling access to his father — an accusation for which they’ve provided no evidence to date.

On paper – paper stamped with GOP letterhead, mind you – the impeachment inquiry is focused on buying access.

“It better be, because, quite honestly, Hunter Biden's personal problems aren't the issue. The issue is whether he was selling access to a vice president willing to provide that access, and whether the vice president at the time – the current president – was enriched by it,” Sen. Kevin Cramer (R-ND) told Raw Story.

Leonard Leo in 2017 while appearing on C-SPAN. (Photo courtesy of C-SPAN.)

As for the hundreds of thousands of dollars in private jet travel, stays at his private retreat and luxurious free vacations aboard his 162-foot yacht that Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas and his wife Ginni admitted to receiving from Harlan Crow?

“That's not enriching yourself, because you went on a boat ride for God's sake. That's not the same as cash in your checking account,” Cramer said of ProPublica’s revelations.

Cramer argues, if the trips weren’t free “maybe he wouldn't have gone on it.”

“The difference is … he’s a friend. Friends are allowed to provide hospitality for you in their home or on their boat. That's very different than a foreign adversary providing cash to a sitting vice president of the United States through his son. That's barely, barely even in the same ballpark, if at all,” Cramer said. “It’s a stretch, to say the least. It's just, it's not the same thing.”

That’s not even mentioning the free private school tuition Thomas’ nephew – who he raised like a son – received from Crow, which ProPublica estimates could have totaled upward of $150,000.

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Senate Democrats, some of whom argue Thomas was in a prime position to rule on cases that effect Crow’s fortune, are particularly interested in whether Crow declared the lavish free vacations and travel as business expenses on his federal taxes.

For Leo – co-chairman of the Federalist Society, including the $1.6 billion fortune it now controls – Campaign for Accountability filed an IRS complaint alleging he’s funneling money from seven nonprofit entities he controls to his for-profit businesses, thus illegally profiting off campaign donations. The apparent interference from Jordan and Comer is appalling to watchdogs.

“Then, at the same time, they're screaming about the politicization of justice when they talk about Donald Trump, but they want to tell a sitting U.S. attorney – you know, the state's attorney for D.C. – who he can and can't look at because they don't want him looking at Leonard Leo,” Sloan said. “They just are bowing down at the altar of Leonard Leo and his $1.6 billion.”

House Republicans deny they’re interfering with an ongoing investigation.

“I’m confused. So it’s OK for Democrats to subpoena Leonard Leo and Harlan Crow, but not OK for us to look into AG Schwalb? Isn’t that literally the definition of a double standard — a.k.a Democrats can do something, but we can’t?” Russell M. Dye, communications director and counsel for the House Judiciary Committee, emailed Raw Story.

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Republicans say there’s no reason for an investigation, because the megadonors aren’t accused of trying to change the outcomes of specific cases before the Supreme Court.

“I really think there's like a fundamental difference here between trading favors and not, right? The difference here is the consideration. I've seen no evidence that any of the Supreme Court justices, least of all Clarence Thomas, offered to give anything back. To me, that’s the big difference,” Sen. J.D. Vance (R-OH) told Raw Story.

“Now look, if Harlan Crow or anybody else wrote $100 million to a Supreme Court Justice, and say, ‘Hey, please do this thing in my benefit’ — well, that raises some serious problems. But is it the standard that a Supreme Court justice can't have a rich friend?” Vance continued. “If they want to set that standard, it’s up to them, but I don't think that that raises nearly the same pay-to-play concerns as Joe Biden’s situation.”

Gifts are different than business appears to be the current GOP ethical standard for such matters.

“We're not talking about gifts. This is business. So with Hunter [Biden], this is, you know, he's on the Burisma board. He's doing these foreign business deals in Ukraine and China and lots of offices, and he is openly out there selling his dad,” Sen. Josh Hawley (R-MO) told Raw Story. “At the very least, he's clearly making money off his father. The question is, did the president benefit from that? That's what they need to answer. So that's why we have the inquiry.”

When pressed on the impeachment inquiry into Biden, former Senate Judiciary Committee Chair Sen. Chuck Grassley (R-IA) wasn’t up to date on the specifics, even as he proudly remembers getting the investigative ball rolling for House Republicans.

“You’re talking about the substance of it. I’m not sure I can talk about the substance of it,” Grassley told Raw Story. “Except, the process is necessary to complete what [Sen. Ron] Johnson (R-WI) and I started four years ago, and that is to get all the information that Congress is entitled to in our oversight capacity and that's what it's all about, as far as I know.”

The Supreme Court adopted a new code of ethics since the lavish gifts were first reported, so Democrats’ complaints are outdated, Grassley argues.

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“Because the judicial branch put out their … new regulation, and if that doesn’t take care of it – and we won't know that for a little while, maybe a year or two – then maybe that'd be a legitimate question,” Grassley said. “But right now it’s not a legitimate question considering the initiative of the Supreme Court.”

After all, 10 Republicans on the Senate Judiciary Committee walked out of the vote to subpoena Leo and Crow on November 30 – allowing Democrats to pass the measure 11-0 – Senate Republicans argue the vote broke committee rules.

“They’re not legal,” Sen. John Kennedy (R-LA) told Raw Story. “Anybody who knows a lawbook from a J. Crew catalog knows they can get those subpoenas quashed in one hearing.”

Because of wholesale GOP opposition, there doesn’t seem to be the votes to formalize the subpoenas on the Senate floor where Republicans are threatening to require a 60-vote threshold.

“You’ll never see this come to the floor,” Judiciary Committee ranking member Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-SC) told Politico. “We’ll attack it legally, we’ll vote against it. It’d be a s—show.”

Even as the party hasn’t decided how it will proceed in the Senate, many Democrats expected this.

“We're going after the icons of the Republican Party, Leonard Leo, of course, and, to some, Justice Thomas. They’re very sensitive to that,” Senate Democratic Whip Dick Durbin (D-IL) told Raw Story. “Public sentiment is overwhelmingly in our favor, so they have got to be strident in opposition.”

The two different standards for Biden and GOP donors is remarkable to Democrats.

“Republicans want to protect the court that they have packed, and they protect the court by maintaining its status as an unaccountable highest court of the land,” Rep. Hank Johnson (D-GA) told Raw Story. “It looks like they're doing everything they can to keep hidden the secret relationships that are going on at the court with powerful interests that bring cases before the court.”

To the top Democrat on the House Oversight Committee, Rep. Jamie Raskin (D-MD), this made-for-Fox-and-Newsmax drama shows how completely former President Donald Trump has remade the GOP in his own image.

“It is just sad the way that Donald Trump has completed his stranglehold over the Republican Party,” Raskin told Raw Story. “Donald Trump has taught them – from the Charlottesville riot forward – that there should be no enemies on the right. And they have no enemies on the right, and they will take no principled stance against anybody on the right, no matter how fascistic they are.”

Supreme Court cowards are hiding behind a hollow ethics code. Here’s how to fix that.

Justice Samuel Alito claims Congress has no power to impose an ethics code on the Supreme Court.

And the high court’s embarrassing new “Code of Conduct seems to concur. The court’s newly adopted code is notable for its permissive tone and lack of teeth, and confirms that justices answer to no-one.

Instead of mandating, directing or using the word “shall,” as most judicial canons do with directives, the code grovels before its own authors, flattering them with deferential suggestions that justices “should,” “should not” and might “endeavor to” act in certain ways.

The code also only looks forward, not back, dismissing very recent and serious ethical transgressions and gross conflicts of interest by some of the nation’s most powerful jurists, most notably Justice Clarence Thomas.

Meek and submissive, the code provides no penalties or provisions for investigating justices’ misdeeds and breaches. Utterly lacking any kind of enforcement, the code fails to create an entity or panel with oversight authority, like an inspector general, and instead invites justices to remain their own judges.

SCOTUS claims it’s all a misunderstanding

Another sore defect is the code’s lack of recusal, a matter raised consistently after Justices Alito and Thomas ruled in favor of their benefactors and self-interests, and after Thomas flat out refused to recuse himself from a case involving Trump’s efforts to stay in power, a cause in which his wife, Virginia, was deeply involved. While federal law mandates judges’ recusal in conflicts like these, SCOTUS’ adopted code merely suggests that the justices “should” disqualify themselves.

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Even the opening statement is self-deferential: “The absence of a Code has led in recent years to the misunderstanding that the Justices of this Court, unlike all other jurists in this country, regard themselves as unrestricted by any ethics rules.”

Someone should hand up the memo: America’s “misunderstanding” didn’t form in a vacuum. Justices Alito and Thomas don’t just “regard themselves as unrestricted” by ethics, they have so egregiously violated the rules of fair play they shouldn’t be allowed to serve. They certainly have no moral authority to impose their 18th century religious views on 350 million Americans.

Thomas luxuriates in a conservative donor’s uber-wealth

Gifts lavished on Thomas and his crusading wife, Ginni, taste, feel and smell appropriately lux: island hopping on staffed superyachts; pampered vacations worth millions over two decades; bougie boarding school tuition; a free refurbished home for mom; disguised provocateur “fees” for Ginni, and exclusive travel on private aircraft meant for heads of state.

The Thomases have luxuriated in conservative Harlan Crow’s uber wealth for decades. Meanwhile, most judges won’t even accept a free lunch, scrupulously avoiding any appearance of conflict. Clarence and Ginni Thomas show us how it’s done: not just the free lunch, but also the chef, the estate he toils in and a private jet, yacht and custom RV to travel to the secluded island it sits on.

These modern-day ermine furs have been bestowed on a Supreme Court justice who, in return, grafts unyielding conservatism onto a 230-plus-year-old founding text that was never meant to be static.

From his perch on the high Court, Thomas has advanced putative “originalist” 1791 values — as he selectively curates them — from an era when women had no vote or voice and humans were legal chattel.

According to Thomas and his federalist friends, the meaning of the U.S. Constitution must be fixed according to the understandings of those who ratified it. Where advancements in modern science or technology over 200 years interject pesky ambiguity — as they will — Thomas meets the moment by spinning history, pronouncing his own views as “original” to the founders.

Clarence Thomas: Marriage for me but not for thee

Thomas’ originalist ruse has put a gun in every hand, while threatening Americans’ right of privacy. In Dobbs, the Court’s results-driven departure from Roe v. Wade, Thomas wrote a concurring opinion that questioned the entire right of privacy, saying he would go further — much further — than the majority.

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Thomas suggested that the Supreme Court ‘reconsider’ its prior substantive due process cases because the right to privacy, he says, is not supported by the Constitution. Specifically targeting Griswold, Lawrence and Obergefell decisions, Thomas says citizens have no protected privacy right to contraceptives, same-sex sex, or same-sex marriage.

Analysis supporting the Constitutional right to same sex marriage in Obergefell flowed directly from Loving v. Virginia, the landmark case that struck down anti-miscegenation laws under the 14th Amendment. Thomas saved for another day how he would protect his own mixed race marriage to his wife Virginia under Loving while outlawing marriage for others under the same analysis.

Alito preserves his own fossil fuel wealth

As for fossil-fuel darling Alito, he accepted an expense-paid Alaskan fishing retreat with Paul Singer, a billionaire fossil fuel investor, major GOP donor and hedge-fund manager with cases before the court. The exclusive junket was arranged by Leonard Leo, a Federalist Society extremist who fights climate science and works to put conservative jurists with similar views on the federal bench.

Around the same time as the 2008 fishing trip, a not-for-profit called Citizens United released a film designed to hurt Hillary Clinton, who was then running for president in the Democratic primary.

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When the film was challenged under limits set by the Federal Election Commission, a judge granted summary judgment to the FEC, and the Supreme Court took up the case. Alito then joined a 5-4 majority to change 100 years of election law, striking key aspects of federal law’s century-old limit on corporate campaign expenditures, opening the floodgates for special interests and corporate dark money to buy the outcome of national elections.

In the decade following Citizens United, according to TruthOut, entities animated or enriched by the decision, such as “social welfare” nonprofit organizations, nonprofit business leagues and super PACs, have together spent several billion dollars to influence federal elections.

Samuel Alito Samuel Alito (Photo by Nicholas Kamm for AFP)

From a baseline of $32 million in 2010 (the year Citizens United was decided), billionaire spending on elections rose exponentially to $232 million in 2014, $611 million in 2018, then $881 million in 2022.

No SCOTUS decision — not even Dobbs — has been more controversial than Citizens United, which allows high wealth donors to spend hundreds of millions in “dark money” — cash that’s difficult if not impossible to trace back to a root source — to protect fossil fuels, the National Rifle Association and other lucrative and destructive right-wing causes.

Alito intentionally blurred the record

Responding to criticism about his trip with Singer and his failure to report it on his financial disclosures, Alito hasn’t addressed campaign finance or the pernicious effects of Citizens United. Instead, Alito delivered a misleading rebuke wrapped in entitlement.

On his failure to recuse, Alito claims he was unaware of Singer’s interest in at least 10 cases before the Court, even though Singer’s role was heavily covered by the media. He explained, “Mr. Singer was not listed as a party … The entities that ProPublica (which broke the story) claims are connected to Mr. Singer all appear to be either limited liability corporations or limited liability partnerships.”

Corporate entities, Alito well knows, do not typically include the names of directors, investors or major shareholders in case captions except in rare cases asserting personal liability, so this excuse was deliberately deceptive.

Alito also said he’s reviewed “hundreds of thousands” of petitions for certiorari review, falsely suggesting there were just too many cases for him to know about his fishing buddy’s cases.

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The exceptionally well-staffed Supreme Court hears only 100 to 150 cases each year, so Alito has heard 2550 cases at most over his entire 17 years on the Court, not “hundreds of thousands.”

He also invoked Supreme Court Rule 29.6 to legitimize his claim that staff — not he — checks for conflicts of interest, and that it is “utterly impossible” for his staff to search filings with the SEC to identify individuals with financial interests before the court.

Rule 29.6 requires disclosure of company interests, not individuals’ like Singer’s, and his staff didn’t go on a personal junket with Singer, Alito did.

Even if his misleading explanation(s) on recusal somehow passed the sniff test, Alito also recently voted to dismantle EPA climate protections, while his wife was profiting from fossil fuel sales on family land.

Right after Mrs. Alito leased her Oklahoma land for oil and gas production, negotiating profits of 3/16ths of the sales for the Alito household, Alito voted in West Virginia v. EPA to kneecap the EPA’s efforts to limit greenhouse gas emissions.

Failure to recuse costs lives

Alito and Thomas are in bed with donors protecting the deadly NRA and fossil fuel agendas. Justice Amy Coney Barrett comes from oil, too. Her father was heavily involved with the American Petroleum Institute for decades.

These justices, and any others with NRA or oil and gas connections, should automatically recuse from climate and gun cases. Their refusal to do so has had and will continue to have enormous life and death implications.

Over 600,000 Americans have died by gunshot since SCOTUS re-wrote the 2nd Amendment in the Heller decision.

As for fossil fuels, no industry has benefited more from Citizens United than oil and gas, whose expenditures on federal elections — including a massive decades-long disinformation campaignquadrupled from 2010 to 2020 according to OpenSecrets.

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Even as the planet burns, Alito continues to double down on Citizens United; he regularly delivers speeches defending the nefarious outcome, while simultaneously disputing climate science. The oil-funded Federalist Society, equally dismissive of climate science and enamored of Citizens United, features a YouTube video on their website explaining how allowing corporations to influence elections is a matter of “free speech.”

Fossil fuel origins of climate destruction are scientifically irrefutable, even in oil-well Texas. When coastal cities are underwater and Midwestern crops refuse to grow, it will be up to a Supreme Court of the future to serve justice on “dark money” and its gilded beneficiaries such as Alito, Thomas, Singer and Leonard Leo, whose destructive legacy will be sealed in the history books.

Or… justices could consider their grandchildren, break the guns-and-oil suicide pact, and adopt a legitimate code of ethics.

As for Congress, which Alito says has no power over the Supreme Court when it comes to mandating strict ethics codes? One justice does not decide what the law is.

But don’t for a moment get your hopes up: In 2023 alone, 26 members of Congress have violated the Stop Trading on Congressional Knowledge Act of 2012, according to a Raw Story investigation, and financial conflicts among lawmakers are widespread. Attempts for Capitol Hill to get its own House in order have so far stalled.

Sabrina Haake is a columnist and 25-year litigator specializing in 1st and 14th Amendment defense. Follow her on Substack.

15 things Biden should say when asked about his age

CONCORD, N.H. — For those of us who live in New Hampshire — home of the first-in-the-nation presidential primary — the scent of presidential aspirations factors into our air quality index, even if it’s limited to GOP whiffs this year, as the Democrats moved South Carolina into the number one slot for 2024.

I did not vote for Joe Biden in the 2020 primary. I am on record urging Biden not to run in 2024.

But as I was recently listening to the MSNBC “Morning Joe” talking heads singing dirges about Joe's polling numbers and age — he’ll be 82 on Inauguration Day 2025 — I got ticked off.

POLL: Should Trump be allowed to run for office?

You see, this is not Biden's election, this is not the Democratic National Committee's election, this is my election, your election, our election. I don't give a damn if Biden is 82, 92 or 102. I care about the policies he will focus on as president.

With scant exception, all of the GOP candidates from Donald Trump on down have made their intentions clear: they will methodically erode what is left of our political, social and environmental order. Following precedent, they will deploy their minions to pack our courts and government agencies with an agenda defined by revenge and destruction, eviscerating policies that serve justice, equity, transparency and fairness. Our country and our planet will not recover.

We have a clearly delineated choice in 2024. Biden is our vehicle du jour, but the issues are the driver.

Whenever the issue of age arises, as it inevitably will time and again, voters need to hear the following from Biden in a clear and assured voice:

“Well, I know I’m not getting any younger, but I'm not waging a war on women.”

“I’m not getting younger, but I will not allow members of Congress or governors or state legislators or others to effectively sit in the exam rooms of doctors who are trying to provide safe and effective healthcare.”

“I’m not getting younger, but I’m not lying to you about the urgency of the climate crisis, and I’m not too old to recognize that our hottest summer on record suggests that the climate breakdown may have already begun.”

“I’m not getting younger, but I’m not trying to prevent Black and Brown people, young people or the poor, from accessing the vote.”

“I’m not getting younger, but I will challenge the immorality and injustice of a tax structure that allows the richest corporations and individuals in America to pay less taxes than a plumber or a bus driver.”

“I’m not getting younger, but I support the scientific and medical expertise of our Food and Drug Administration to have the final word on which medicines are safe and effective, like mifepristone.”

“I’m not getting younger, but I believe our children have a right to learn America’s complicated history … being honest with our children and ourselves provides us with a roadmap for repair and unparalleled success.”

“I’m not getting younger, but I view book banning as an assault on freedom of thought and a form of censorship.”

“I’m not getting younger, but I will protect the rights of LGBTQ+ individuals.”

“I’m not getting younger, but I find it terrifying that one out of every 20 Americans own an AR-15. I would support an assault weapons ban.”

“I’m not getting younger, but I believe that the enormous weight of student debt is eating our seed corn and the burden must be reduced.”

“I’m not getting younger, but I will protect the rights of workers.”

“I’m not getting younger, but I refuse to allow protections for child labor, enacted nearly a century ago, to be dismantled.”

“I’m not getting younger, but I am not dismantling the separation of Church and State.”

“I’m not getting younger but I am not a tool of the Federalist Society.”

If Biden stands on these principles, and unequivocally asserts them over and over again in the face of would-be tyrants, the pundits bitching about his age will become irrelevant.

Arnie Arnesen is the host of syndicated radio program "The Attitude with Arnie Arnesen". A former fellow at the Harvard Institute of Politics, Arnesen was the 1992 Democratic nominee for governor of New Hampshire and served as a member of the New Hampshire House of Representatives from 1984 to 1992.