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'I've been groped': LGBTQ+ advocates warn GOP Missouri bills endanger trans people


With blonde hair flowing over her shoulders and spilling onto a blousy blue mini dress, Landon Patterson sat in front of the Missouri House Emerging Issues Committee Monday.

The committee was debating bills that sought to separate public restrooms and changing rooms by sex as assigned at birth, rather than gender identity. The bills varied in scope, but they all would require Patterson to use the men’s restroom, which she hasn’t used in over a decade.

“It caused no harm (to use women’s facilities), not to my classmates, not to my school, not to my community,” she said. “It gave me dignity and allowed me to focus on my education instead of fighting to exist.”

The hearing came three days after lawmakers in neighboring Kansas passed a law invalidating the licenses of those who have changed their gender marker and barring transgender Kansans from using public restrooms that align with their gender identity.

Some worried that Missouri was pursuing the same kind of law, with one bill in particular that would create new definitions of “male” and “female” throughout state law. These definitions separate the sexes by whether their reproductive systems utilize eggs or sperm.

Keith Rose, who is a legal advocate with nonprofit law firm Center for Growing Justice, said this could affect whether Missourians can change gender markers on their birth certificates. Currently, the state requires proof of gender reassignment surgery or a court order to switch one’s gender marker — a rule established in 2024 after lawmakers complained about a transgender woman using a dressing space at a private gym.

The bill, filed by Republican state Rep. Becky Laubinger of Park Hills, would require all public buildings to separate restrooms, changing rooms and sleeping areas by her proposed definition of sex.

It is a protective measure, she said, for spaces where people are “most vulnerable.” She gave a secondhand story about two men “who made no attempt to look female” who used a women’s restroom and claimed they identified as women.

As Democratic lawmakers on the committee pressed Laubinger about what danger her legislation seeks to protect people from, the two sides agreed. It wasn’t transgender people that were the problem, but predators who Laubinger described as “riding the coattails of people who are gender dysphoric.”

As long as places allow transgender people to use facilities aligning with their gender identity, she said, those seeking to do harm could claim to be transgender.

But Democrats and a majority of those who testified Monday said “bathroom bans” place targets on people’s backs rather than protect.

Stevie Miller, a West Plains resident, said his presence in a women’s room, as the bill would require, would undoubtedly make families uncomfortable.

“I’m scared of what will happen to me when someone sees me follow their little girl into the restroom, following the law,” he said. “I am supposed to go in that room.”

Other transgender Missourians posed similar hypotheticals: did lawmakers really want them in the other restroom? The transgender men, many bearded and broad shouldered, worried they would be unwelcome in the women’s room. Transgender women told the committee that the legislation would put them at greater risk of assault.

May Hall, a Columbia resident, said they use men’s facilities when a place is busy and there are enough people around. Hall, who usually banters through public testimony with a few quips and jabs, was unusually bleak.

“I’ve been grabbed. I’ve been groped. I’ve been called slurs. I’ve been cat-called,” Hall said. “It is not comfortable.”

Laubinger’s bill would be enforced through lawsuits, allowing those who witness someone in the opposite sex’s restrooms to sue the public entity operating the facilities.

A bill by state Rep. Brandon Phelps, a Warrensburg Republican, would withhold state funding when a violation occurs. While more narrow than Laubinger’s proposal, Phelps’ bill would create sex-designated restrooms for public buildings, K-12 schools and universities.

It would also bar multi-occupancy restrooms that don’t have male and female delineations, such as the all-gender facilities at the Kansas City Municipal Airport.

The logistics, though, drew questions. State Rep. Wick Thomas, a Kansas City Democrat and the House’s first nonbinary lawmaker, asked what someone would do if they think a transgender person is using the wrong restroom.

“You would call the police,” Phelps said. “Let them take care of it.”

Aro Royston, a LGBTQ+ advocate from St. Louis, said police presence “threatens (his) life” as a Black man.

“These bills create hostile environments that drive people away rather than drive people to strengthen communities, he said. “This bill also creates detrimental problems, and it is unenforceable without violating everyone’s privacy.”

The third bill heard Monday, filed by Republican state Rep. Wendy Hausman of St. Peters, takes a different approach to bathroom restrictions. The legislation would protect private schools from being sued for having sex-designated spaces.

In Missouri, a handful of cases have addressed public schools’ restrictions on transgender students’ use of restrooms. Last year, the state Supreme Court ruled against a former Blue Springs student who alleged the school district discriminated against him on the basis of sex for preventing him from using locker rooms. The court’s decision, though, was based on a lack of evidence and did not seek to rule on the constitutionality of restroom restrictions.

Hausman, like the two other bills’ sponsors, said the legislation was a safeguard.

“It’s not an attack on any group of individuals,” she said. “This is just a protection for these private schools and what they would like to do.”

The committee did not take immediate action on the legislation, adjourning after five hours of testimony.

'Nazi student clubs' would be protected under new red state legislation

Protections for religious expression in K-12 schools could also be expanded to guard ideological and political speech through a bill that passed Thursday in the Missouri House.

State Rep. Darin Chappell, a Republican from Rogersville and the bill’s sponsor, said the legislation is intended to guard First Amendment rights.

“We don’t want anyone’s political ideas to be squelched just because someone in authority has different ideas,” Chappell said during a Tuesday debate.

He doesn’t want public schools to tell students what they can and can’t think or say, he said, acknowledging some exceptions to the rule.

The legislation passed on a 99-47 vote would allow schools to take action against expression that is “substantially disruptive” or prevents other students from equal access to educational opportunities. Speech not protected by the First Amendment, like obscenity, is also excluded.

The legislation largely codifies protections already in place through federal law.

State Rep. Ian Mackey, a St. Louis Democrat, said he is not sure the bill “will change a darn thing in our schools” but said it could have “unintended consequences.”

A chief concern among Democrats was a provision that would bar public schools from discriminating against student clubs because of their views and certain leadership requirements. Last year, lawmakers passed a bill that codified these protections in the state’s public universities.

State Rep. Wick Thomas, a Democrat from Kansas City, asked Chappell if the bill could “protect Nazi student clubs,” giving a hypothetical about a group of fourth graders.

“I am not sure how many Nazi fourth graders there are,” Chappell replied. “But sure.”

Mackey warned the House not to overlook the issue, pointing out that Affton High School was vandalized with racist graffiti, including a swastika, last year.

“To think that they wouldn’t want to form a club,” he said. “You’re brushing off something that is a lot more serious.”

State Rep. LaKeySha Bosley, a Democrat from St. Louis, also worried the legislation could open doors for hateful groups.

“Allowing them to have spaces like this is going to create more contention,” she said.

Chappell repeatedly said Tuesday that he believes the best remedy to “bad speech” is “more speech,” saying he dropped “stupid” ideas after his peers corrected him as an adolescent.

“This bill protects everyone equally, and I believe the First Amendment is for everybody,” he told Bosley. “And if somebody sounds like a moron, that’s our opportunity to clue them in that they’re sounding like a moron.”

Democrats also worried about the cost of lawsuits that could arise from the bill, which empowers students to sue public schools who violate their free speech rights. The legislation waives the state’s immunity to be sued, which Chappell said was intended to remove school districts’ claims at sovereign immunity as political subdivisions of the state.

The bill received broad support from House Republicans, who saw it as common sense.

“Political and ideological speech should be protected,” said state Rep. John Simmons, a Republican from Washington. “It is kind of shameful that we have to add it to existing language.”

A nearly identical bill was filed in the Senate, passing a Senate committee in a 5-2 vote last month. It has stalled since, not yet making it onto the Senate’s calendar for consideration.

Black lawmakers ask Missouri House committee to ban discrimination based on natural hair

A Missouri House committee heard testimony Tuesday on three bills that would ban discrimination based on hair texture in some settings.

Three Black state lawmakers — Democratic Reps. Raychel Proudie of Ferguson, LakeySha Bosley of St. Louis and Ashley Bland Manlove of Kansas City — presented versions of a national bill called the CROWN Act to the House Special Committee on Urban Issues Tuesday.

“Ultimately, we want to make sure that the children, our students, taxpayers aren’t being discriminated against by how their natural hair grows out of their head,” Proudie said.

The lawmakers’ push is part of a national movement to embrace hair texture and styles associated with race, such as locks and coily hair.

In 2022, the U.S. House of Representatives passed the CROWN Act, which stands for Creating a Respectful and Open World for Natural Hair Act, before the bill ultimately died in a Senate filibuster.

Twenty states have adopted legislation to ban hair discrimination, and 24 states are considering bills to address the issue, according to the CROWN Act’s website.

Proudie’s legislation would only affect state-funded educational institutions, but Bosley and Manlove sought to ban discrimination in the workforce as well.

A bill filed last year by Proudie also addressed workplace discrimination, but she said Tuesday that concerns about safety in some sectors led her to narrow her bill to focus exclusively on education. She indicated that she would look for workplace protections after guaranteeing them for schools.

“There have been conversations about making it only for schools so that our children aren’t [discriminated against], and then we can fight over the other issues about job discrimination,” Proudie said.” But I push back on that because it is black women in their jobs who are being discriminated against as well.”

Worries about safety were once again raised Tuesday, but Proudie said those concerns have been addressed since she presented her bill last year. This year’s version allows classes, such as woodshop or culinary arts, to require hairnets for safety.

A similar bill passed the House unanimously last year, but it never came up for a vote in the Senate.

Kansas City and St. Louis have already enacted local laws banning the discrimination of hair texture.

Public testimony centered personal experiences, such as not being able to find a job with an afro hairstyle.

Kaylee Adams, a student at the University of Missouri Kansas City, said she felt her hair was “too much work” and “too different” as a child growing up in a predominantly white school.

“When I was complimented on my hair, it was often because me and my mom spent four-plus hours getting it pin straight to look like the other students,” she said.

A statistic from personal care brand Dove’s 2021 CROWN Research Study for Girls shared by Bland Manlove shows that Adams’ story is not unique. Sixty-six percent of Black girls in predominantly white schools report hair discrimination compared to 45% of Black girls overall.

Perception Institute, a research center with a focus on discrimination, studied the perception of Black women’s hair in 2016. The white women surveyed rated Black women’s natural hair as less beautiful, sexy and professional than straight hair.

Black women reported feeling higher rates of anxiety about their hair than the white women studied. One in five Black women said they felt pressured to straighten their hair for work – double the rate of white women.

All three bill sponsors said they felt that pressure.

Bosley said someone in the Capitol told her to straighten her hair, but she intentionally wore her hair in an afro.

“I want young girls who see me and who go on my site when they look up their representative to see someone who looks like them,” she said.

The committee had few questions for the sponsors, apart from their concerns about safety.

Rep. Brad Banderman, R-St. Clair, asked if the legislation might lead to lawsuits when people with natural hair do not get offered opportunities, perhaps for other reasons.

“Are we opening ourselves up, in a broad sense, to lots of litigation on an issue that may not have had anything to do with that person’s hair?” he said.

Proudie said plaintiffs always have to prove their claims in discrimination cases.

Rep. David Casteel, R-High Ridge, asked about hairstyles that include hair pieces.

“You guys have mentioned extensions and wigs,” he said. Are we just talking about natural hair or are we talking about alterations?”

The sponsors said that wigs and hair extensions are part of protective styles, or hairstyles that protect the natural curls, covered by the legislation.

The committee did not take action Tuesday, but chairman Rep. Mark Sharp, D-Kansas City, indicated future action.

“I believe that members of this committee will be dedicated to trying to find whatever version will be best,” he said. “I’m looking forward to working with you all.”

Missouri Independent is part of States Newsroom, a network of news bureaus supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Missouri Independent maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Jason Hancock for questions: info@missouriindependent.com. Follow Missouri Independent on Facebook and Twitter.

Missouri Republicans renew early focus on parental rights, critical race theory

Parental access to school records – and how history and race are taught in Missouri classrooms – will be among the first topics considered by lawmakers this legislative session.

During the Senate Education and Workforce Development Committee’s first meeting Wednesday afternoon, committee members will hear testimony on a pair of bills dubbed the “Parents’ Bill of Rights.”

One of the bills up for debate is sponsored by the panel’s chairman, Republican Sen. Andrew Koenig of Manchester. Five of the nine committee members have similar bills aimed at codifying curriculum transparency and restricting lessons they deem similar to critical race theory.

Both bills on Wednesday’s agenda would establish a statewide transparency portal for all public schools and enshrine rights for parents, like a right to view all of their child’s school records. But unlike Koenig’s bill, the legislation sponsored by Sen. Ben Brown, R-Washington, does not include potential restrictions on “critical race theory.”

Efforts to enact similar legislation fell short last year, in part due to dysfunction in the Senate. The focus on parental rights and race education so early in the 2023 session shows the issue remains a high priority for GOP lawmakers who hold super majorities in both legislative chambers.

“There’s no question we want history taught,” Koenig said in an interview last week. ”There’s no question slavery happened. There’s no question that obviously people were sinful in the past, and people are sinful today. But the problem is when you’re assigning that sin to a specific race today, it is clearly out of line.”

Placing restrictions

Brown’s bill would create the Missouri Education Transparency and Accountability Portal, which it describes as “an internet-based tool creating transparency in Missouri’s public education system and providing citizens access to every school district’s curriculum, source materials and professional development materials.”

School districts would have to upload their curriculum and the source material associated with it to the portal for public viewing and provide the names of speakers utilized in professional development as well as the cost associated with those third parties.

His bill’s second section would give parents more access to school material – and the school itself, for one part of his “Parents’ Bill of Rights” would let parents visit their children at school during school hours.

If the bill is passed, parents could also object to lessons or teaching materials that they believe are “inappropriate for whatever reason.”

Brown’s legislation also could prohibit schools from banning the copying of curricula and educational materials, a potentially problematic policy for schools utilizing copyrighted material.

Koenig’s proposed legislation also looks to add a transparency portal and enshrine parent rights, although his “Parents’ Bill of Rights” does not call for as widespread parental power as visiting during the school day and pulling their child from any lesson.

The bill targets critical race theory, too, which Koenig said is compatible with the push for transparency.

“The people that are concerned about (critical race theory) are concerned about having access to what’s being taught. So to me, it was a perfect fit,” he said. “If you had more transparency, it actually might cause less problems because then parents know for sure what is being taught.”

A poll by NPR and Ipsos revealed that 76% of American parents believe that their children’s school “does a good job keeping [them] informed about the curriculum, including potentially controversial topics.”

The same poll showed that a majority of parents are satisfied by the school’s teaching regarding race, slavery and gender and sexuality.

Of Republicans, 26% said the school’s teaching of these topics did not align with their values while 11% of Democrats and 17% of Independents said the same. But one out of three parents surveyed did not know whether the curriculum conflicted with their values.

Koenig’s bill begins with a plan for expanding access to curriculum documents and student achievement data and shifts to a restriction on teaching certain viewpoints.

The bill would bar teachers from expressing opinions contrary to Article I, Section 2 of Missouri’s Constitution, which states that everyone is “entitled to equal rights and opportunity under the law.”

His bill gives examples of violating positions, like “individuals should be adversely or advantageously treated on the basis of individual race, ethnicity, color or national origin.”

His bill also bans mandatory training that includes these topics, but states that voluntary training is permissible.

Republican Sen. Rick Brattin of Harrisonville, vice chair of the education committee, has also introduced legislation targeting critical race theory.

Brattin’s bill seeks to restrict what it refers to as “divisive concepts.”

Brattin gives 11 examples of divisive lessons, including promoting “any form of race or sex stereotyping, including ascribing character traits, values, moral and ethical codes, privileges, status, or beliefs to a race, sex or an individual because of his or her race or sex.”

His bill also seeks to ban teacher training that includes “racial stereotyping.”

The bill would authorize the Attorney General to investigate school districts’ compliance with the restrictions. If a district is caught in violation, Brattin proposes withholding half of its state aid.

Like other similar bills, it additionally would provide the right for parents to view all curriculum documents.

In schools today

A 2021 Missouri Department of Elementary and Secondary Education survey of over 400 school districts found just one school district that reported it teaches critical race theory and utilizes the 1619 Project, an initiative by The New York Times which centers African American history and racism in the United States.

Two additional districts said they utilized the 1619 Project.

Koenig said that although critical race theory – a concept many denote as a graduate-level study – is not explicitly in the state’s public schools, he believes similar concepts are in K-12 classrooms.

“There’s no question that CRT-type things are being done,” he said.

Critical race theory, according to a Columbia News article, is a study of how racism has affected United States society and law. Many frequently label equity education as critical race theory, although the two have different features.

There has been “a lot of blowback,” Koenig said, over school districts in his senatorial district teaching what parents believe sounds like critical race theory.

The Rockwood School District covers most of his senatorial district and caught national attention when a group of concerned parents united against the district’s lessons on racism.

Community members convened at a parent-led meeting where Koenig and Sen. Cindy O’Laughlin, who was recently elected to be Senate majority leader, answered questions from the crowd.

When asked during the meeting to define critical race theory and provide examples, Koenig described an activity he called “basically white shaming.”

O’Laughlin called critical race theory “a belief that all whites are inherently racist whether they know it or not.”

Koenig told The Independent he’s heard from constituents concerned with what their children are receiving in public schools. In particular, he pointed to a “matrix of oppression” he alleges is being taught in Rockwood schools.

He pointed to a lesson called the “matrix of oppression.” He had an image of the matrix of oppression that alleged that Rockwood schools were utilizing the diagram, but the Independent could not confirm its validity.

Mary LaPak, chief communications officer for the school district, had not seen the image and said the matrix of oppression is “not a board-approved curriculum document.”

In 2021, Springfield Public Schools held a diversity training day including the matrix of oppression, and former attorney general Eric Schmitt’s office requested all records related to the training. When the records were not sent expeditiously, Schmitt sued the district.

The case remains in litigation. The most recent action on the lawsuit was assistant deputy attorney general Justin Smith’s request to be removed from the case; the attorney general’s office does not have other counsel working on the lawsuit.

Koenig worries about the impact something like an oppression matrix would have on families like his. He has five children, two of whom are Black.

“It is equally as racist to tell them that they can’t be somebody because they’re black as it is racist telling my white kids that they’re oppressing. It’s racist both ways, and it has no place in public education,” he said.

His bill clarifies that schools may teach the history of slavery.

“I have no problem with teaching history the way it was,” he said, adding he believes the United States’ abolishment of slavery makes the country “great.”

Expanding the curriculum

While Republicans push for restrictions on history curriculum, a pair of Democratic lawmakers — Sen. Angela Mosley of Florissant and Rep. Marlene Terry of St. Louis — have proposed an expansion.

They hope to include facts about Native American and African American history often left out of Missouri classrooms.

Education Next asked parents what they think about the emphasis their children’s school places on “slavery, racism, and other challenges faced by Black people in the United States.” Most parents said the school gives “the right amount” of instruction on the topic.

However, 25% of parents said there is too little emphasis on African Americans’ struggles, and 11% of parents said there is too much focus.

Half of parents with Black children believe the topic could be expanded in schools, the survey said.

Terry, chair of Missouri Legislative Black Caucus, said her bill is not critical race theory. It is a focus on lesser-known facts of history.

“All students need to know the truth,” she said. “We should not base our history knowledge on a lie. It should just be the truth – no matter if it is good, bad or ugly.”

Some of the lessons described in their bills require a level of maturity, such as discussion of genocide and the invention of modern gynecology through experiments on slaves. The bill denotes the lessons should be dispersed among grades 7-12.

Terry’s youngest grandson is entering middle school, and she enjoys watching his curiosity lead him to Black history.

“A lot of individuals,” Terry said, “especially some of our young folks now, if they knew their history and what some of their ancestors had to go through to get us where we are now, they would appreciate and treat life a little bit better.”


Missouri Independent is part of States Newsroom, a network of news bureaus supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Missouri Independent maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Jason Hancock for questions: info@missouriindependent.com. Follow Missouri Independent on Facebook and Twitter.