Brett Kelman, KFF Health News

Earlier this year, as President Donald Trump was beginning to reshape the American government, Michael, an emergency room doctor who was born, raised, and trained in the United States, packed up his family and got out.

Michael now works in a small-town hospital in Canada. KFF Health News and NPR granted him anonymity because of fears he might face reprisal from the Trump administration if he returns to the U.S. He said he feels some guilt that he did not stay to resist the Trump agenda but is assured in his decision to leave. Too much of America has simply grown too comfortable with violence and cruelty, he said.

“Part of being a physician is being kind to people who are in their weakest place,” Michael said. “And I feel like our country is devolving to really step on people who are weak and vulnerable.”

Michael is among a new wave of doctors who are leaving the United States to escape the Trump administration. In the months since Trump was reelected and returned to the White House, American doctors have shown skyrocketing interest in becoming licensed in Canada, where dozens more than normal have already been cleared to practice, according to Canadian licensing officials and recruiting businesses.

The Medical Council of Canada said in an email statement that the number of American doctors creating accounts on physiciansapply.ca, which is “typically the first step” to being licensed in Canada, has increased more than 750% over the past seven months compared with the same time period last year — from 71 applicants to 615. Separately, medical licensing organizations in Canada’s most populous provinces reported a rise in Americans either applying for or receiving Canadian licenses, with at least some doctors disclosing they were moving specifically because of Trump.

“The doctors that we are talking to are embarrassed to say they’re Americans,” said John Philpott, CEO of CanAm Physician Recruiting, which recruits doctors into Canada. “They state that right out of the gate: ‘I have to leave this country. It is not what it used to be.’”

Canada, which has universal publicly funded health care, has long been an option for U.S.-trained doctors seeking an alternative to the American health care system. While it was once more difficult for American doctors to practice in Canada due to discrepancies in medical education standards, Canadian provinces have relaxed some licensing regulations in recent years, and some are expediting licensing for U.S.-trained physicians.

In mere months, the Trump administration has jeopardized the economy with tariffs, ignored court orders and due process, and threatened the sovereignty of U.S. allies, including Canada. The administration has also taken steps that may unnerve doctors specifically, including appointing Robert F. Kennedy Jr. to lead federal health agencies, shifting money away from pandemic preparedness, discouraging gender-affirming care, demonizing fluoride, and supporting deep cuts to Medicaid.

The Trump administration did not provide any comment for this article. When asked to respond to doctors’ leaving the U.S. for Canada, White House spokesperson Kush Desai asked whether KFF Health News knew the precise number of doctors and their “citizenship status,” then provided no further comment. KFF Health News did not have or provide this information.

Philpott, who founded CanAm Physician Recruiting in the 1990s, said the cross-border movement of American and Canadian doctors has for decades ebbed and flowed in reaction to political and economic fluctuations, but that the pull toward Canada has never been as strong as now.

Philpott said CanAm had seen a 65% increase in American doctors looking for Canadian jobs from January to April, and that the company has been contacted by as many as 15 American doctors a day.

Rohini Patel, a CanAm recruiter and doctor, said some consider pay cuts to move quickly.

“They’re ready to move to Canada tomorrow,” she said. “They are not concerned about what their income is.”

The College of Physicians and Surgeons of Ontario, which handles licensing in Canada’s most populous province, said in a statement that it registered 116 U.S.-trained doctors in the first quarter of 2025 — an increase of at least 50% over the prior two quarters. Ontario also received license applications from about 260 U.S.-trained doctors in the first quarter of this year, the organization said.

British Columbia, another populous province, saw a surge of licensure applications from U.S.-trained doctors after Election Day, according to an email statement from the College of Physicians and Surgeons of British Columbia. The statement also said the organization licensed 28 such doctors in the fiscal year that ended in February — triple the total of the prior year.

Quebec’s College of Physicians said applications from U.S.-trained doctors have increased, along with the number of Canadian doctors returning from America to practice within the province, but it did not provide specifics. In a statement, the organization said some applicants were trying to get permitted to practice in Canada “specifically because of the actual presidential administration.”

Michael, the physician who moved to Canada this year, said he had long been wary of what he described as escalating right-ring political rhetoric and unchecked gun violence in the United States, the latter of which he witnessed firsthand during a decade working in American emergency rooms.

Michael said he began considering the move as Trump was running for reelection in 2020. His breaking point came on Jan. 6, 2021, when a violent mob of Trump supporters besieged the U.S. Capitol in an attempt to stop the certification of the election of Joe Biden as president.

“Civil discourse was falling apart,” he said. “I had a conversation with my family about how Biden was going to be a one-term president and we were still headed in a direction of being increasingly radicalized toward the right and an acceptance of vigilantism.”

It then took about a year for Michael to become licensed in Canada, then longer for him to finalize his job and move, he said. While the licensing process was “not difficult,” he said, it did require him to obtain certified documents from his medical school and residency program.

“The process wasn’t any harder than getting your first license in the United States, which is also very bureaucratic,” Michael said. “The difference is, I think most people practicing in the U.S. have got so much administrative fatigue that they don’t want to go through that process again.”

Michael said he now receives near-daily emails or texts from American doctors who are seeking advice about moving to Canada.

This desire to leave has also been striking to Hippocratic Adventures, a small business that helps American doctors practice medicine in other countries.

The company was co-founded by Ashwini Bapat, a Yale-educated doctor who moved to Portugal in 2020 in part because she was “terrified that Trump would win again.” For years, Hippocratic Adventures catered to physicians with wanderlust, guiding them through the bureaucracy of getting licensed in foreign nations or conducting telemedicine from afar, Bapat said.

But after Trump was reelected, customers were no longer seeking grand travels across the globe, Bapat said. Now they were searching for the nearest emergency exit, she said.

“Previously it had been about adventure,” Bapat said. “But the biggest spike that we saw, for sure, hands down, was when Trump won reelection in November. And then Inauguration Day. And basically every single day since then.”

At least one Canadian province is actively marketing itself to American doctors.

Doctors Manitoba, which represents physicians in the rural province that struggles with one of Canada’s worst doctor shortages, launched a recruiting campaign after the election to capitalize on Trump and the rise of far-right politics in the U.S.

The campaign focuses on Florida and North and South Dakota and advertises “zero political interference in physician patient relationship” as a selling point.

Alison Carleton, a family medicine doctor who moved from Iowa to Manitoba in 2017, said she left to escape the daily grind of America’s for-profit health care system and because she was appalled that Trump was elected the first time.

Carleton said she now runs a small-town clinic with low stress, less paperwork, and no fear of burying her patients in medical debt.

She dropped her American citizenship last year.

“People I know have said, ‘You left just in time,’” Carleton said. “I tell people, ‘I know. When are you going to move?’”

Five years ago, the CEO of one of the largest pain clinic companies in the Southeast was sentenced to more than three years in prison after being convicted in a $4 million illegal kickback scheme.

But after just four months behind bars, John Estin Davis walked free. President Donald Trump commuted Davis’ sentence in the last days of his first term. In a statement explaining the decision, the White House said that “no one suffered financially” from Davis’ crime.

In court, however, the Trump administration was saying something very different. As the president let him go, the Department of Justice alleged in a civil lawsuit that Davis and his company defrauded taxpayers out of tens of millions of dollars with excessive urine drug testing. The DOJ alleged that Comprehensive Pain Specialists made such a “staggering” sum from cups of pee that employees had given the testing a profit-minded nickname: “liquid gold.”

Davis and the company denied all allegations in court filings and settled the DOJ’s fraud lawsuit without any determination of liability. Davis declined to comment for this article.

Since returning to the White House, Trump has said he will target fraud in Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security, and his Republican allies in Congress have made combating fraud a key argument in their plans to slash spending on Medicaid, which provides health care for millions of low-income and disabled Americans. During an address to Congress last month, Trump said his administration had found “hundreds of billions of dollars of fraud” without citing any specific examples of fraud.

“Taken back a lot of that money,” Trump said. “We got it just in time.”

But Trump’s history of showing leniency to convicted fraudsters contrasts with his present-day crackdown. In his first and second terms, Trump has granted pardons or commutations to at least 68 people convicted of fraud crimes or of interfering with fraud investigations, according to a KFF Health News review of court and clemency records, DOJ press releases, and news reports. At least 13 of those fraudsters were convicted in cases involving more than $1.6 billion of fraudulent claims filed with Medicare and Medicaid, according to the Department of Justice.

And as one of the first actions of his second term, Trump fired 17 independent inspectors general responsible for rooting out fraud and waste in government.

“It sends a really bad message and really hurts DOJ efforts at creating deterrence,” said Jacob Elberg, a former assistant U.S. attorney and law professor at Seton Hall University in New Jersey. “In order to reduce health care fraud, you need people both to be afraid of getting in trouble, but also for people to believe in the legitimacy of the system.”

Elberg said considerable fraud in Medicare and Medicaid exists largely because the programs’ “pay-and-chase models” prioritize paying for patient care first and tracking down stolen dollars second. To prevent more fraud, the programs would likely need to be redesigned in ways that would be slower and more cumbersome for all patients, Elberg said.

Regardless, Elberg said the president’s claimed focus on fraud appears to be a pretext for slashing spending that has been legally appropriated by Congress. Trump has empowered the Elon Musk-led Department of Government Efficiency, which he established and named by executive order, to make deep cuts in federal budgets, halting some medical research and aid programs in addition to cutting spending on climate change, transgender health, and diversity, equity, and inclusion programs.

“What’s been the focal point to date of the administration is not what anybody has ever referred to as health care fraud,” Elberg said. “There is a real blurring — a seemingly intentional blurring — between what is actually fraud and what is just spending that they are not in favor of.”

Jerry Martin, who served as a U.S. attorney for the Middle District of Tennessee under President Barack Obama and now represents health care fraud whistleblowers, also said Trump’s focus on fraud appeared to be “just a platform to attack things that they don’t agree with” rather than “a genuine desire to root out and combat fraud.”

Even so, Martin said some of his whistleblower clients have been emboldened.

“I’ve had clients repeat back to me ‘President Trump says fraud is a priority,’” Martin said. “People are listening to it. But I don’t know that what he’s saying translates into what they believe.”

The White House did not respond to requests for comment for this article.

A Billion-Dollar Fraud Case and Needless Eye Injections

Presidents enjoy the unique authority to erase federal convictions and prison sentences with pardons and commutations. In theory, the power is intended to be a final bulwark against injustice or overly harsh punishment. But many presidents have been accused of using the pardon power to reward powerful allies and close associates as they leave the White House.

Trump issued about 190 pardons and commutations in the final two months of his first term, including for some health care fraudsters convicted of schemes with astonishing costs.

For example, Trump granted a commutation to Philip Esformes, a Florida health care executive convicted in 2019 of a $1.3 billion Medicare and Medicaid fraud scheme. After he was sentenced, DOJ announced in a press release that “the man behind one of the biggest health care frauds in history will be spending 20 years in prison.” Trump freed him 14 months later.

Trump also granted a commutation to Salomon Melgen, a Florida eye doctor who was serving a 17-year prison sentence for defrauding Medicare of $42 million. Melgen falsely diagnosed patients with eye diseases, then gave them unnecessary care, including laser treatments and painful eye injections, according to DOJ and court documents.

“Salomon Melgen callously took advantage of patients who came to him fearing blindness,” said a DOJ news release after Melgen was sentenced in 2018. “They received medically unreasonable and unnecessary tests and procedures that victimized his patients and the American taxpayer.”

DOJ: $70 Million Spent on ‘Excessive’ Urine Testing

Despite the flurry of pardons and commutations at the end of Trump’s first term, the leniency he showed Davis was unique. Davis was the only convicted health care fraudster to receive clemency while the Trump administration was simultaneously accusing him of more fraud.

As CEO of Comprehensive Pain Specialists from 2011 to 2017, Davis oversaw a rapid expansion to more than 60 locations across 12 states, according to federal court documents.

He was indicted in 2018 for using his CEO position to refer Medicare patients in need of medical equipment to a conspirator in return for kickbacks paid through a shell company, according to court documents. He was convicted at trial in April 2019 of defrauding Medicare.

Three months later, the DOJ filed a fraud lawsuit against Davis and CPS that piggybacked on the claims of seven whistleblowers. The lawsuit alleged that CPS collected more than $70 million from federal insurance programs for urine drug testing, most of which was “excessive,” and that an audit of a sampling of the tests had found at least 93% “lacked medical necessity.”

Typically, government insurance programs pay for urine testing so pain clinics can verify that patients are taking their prescriptions properly and not abusing any other drugs, which could contribute to an overdose. Patients could be tested as little as once a year or as often as monthly depending on their level of risk, according to the DOJ lawsuit.

But Comprehensive Pain Specialists performed “myriad urine drug testing on virtually every CPS patient on virtually every visit” then conducted “at least 16 different types of tests” on each sample, and sometimes as many as 51, according to the lawsuit.

Trump commuted Davis’ sentence for his criminal conviction in January 2021 as the DOJ was finalizing a settlement in the civil lawsuit. The commutation was supported by country music star Luke Bryan, according to a White House statement.

Months later, with President Joe Biden in office, CPS and its owners agreed to repay $4.1 million — less than 10% of the damages sought in the suit — and the case was closed.

In the settlement, Davis agreed not to take any job where he would ever again bill Medicare or other federal health care programs. He was not required to personally repay anything.

Martin, who represented one of the whistleblowers who first raised allegations against Davis and CPS, said the leniency that Trump showed to him and other health care fraudsters may discourage DOJ employees from pursuing similar investigations during his second term.

“There are a lot of rank-and-file people who are operating at the lowest point in their professional careers, where they’ve seen a lot of their work essentially be water under the bridge,” Martin said. “That’s got to be really demoralizing.”

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

Subscribe to KFF Health News' free Morning Briefing.

This article first appeared on KFF Health News and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

In the wooded highlands of northern Arkansas, where small towns have few dentists, water officials who serve more than 20,000 people have for more than a decade openly defied state law by refusing to add fluoride to the drinking water.

For its refusal, the Ozark Mountain Regional Public Water Authority has received hundreds of state fines amounting to about $130,000, which are stuffed in a cardboard box and left unpaid, said Andy Anderson, who is opposed to fluoridation and has led the water system for nearly two decades.

This Ozark region is among hundreds of rural American communities that face a one-two punch to oral health: a dire shortage of dentists and a lack of fluoridated drinking water, which is widely viewed among dentists as one of the most effective tools to prevent tooth decay. But as the anti-fluoride movement builds unprecedented momentum, it may turn out that the Ozarks were not behind the times after all.

“We will eventually win,” Anderson said. “We will be vindicated.”

Fluoride, a naturally occurring mineral, keeps teeth strong when added to drinking water, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the American Dental Association. But the anti-fluoride movement has been energized since a government report last summer found a possible link between lower IQ in children and consuming amounts of fluoride that are higher than what is recommended in American drinking water. Dozens of communities have decided to stop fluoridating in recent months, and state officials in Florida and Texas have urged their water systems to do the same. Utah is poised to become the first state to ban it in tap water.

Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr., who has long espoused fringe health theories, has called fluoride an “industrial waste” and “dangerous neurotoxin” and said the Trump administration will recommend it be removed from all public drinking water.

Separately, Republican efforts to extend tax cuts and shrink federal spending may squeeze Medicaid, which could deepen existing shortages of dentists in rural areas where many residents depend on the federal insurance program for whatever dental care they can find.

Dental experts warn that the simultaneous erosion of Medicaid and fluoridation could exacerbate a crisis of rural oral health and reverse decades of progress against tooth decay, particularly for children and those who rarely see a dentist.

“If you have folks with little access to professional care and no access to water fluoridation,” said Steven Levy, a dentist and leading fluoride researcher at the University of Iowa, “then they are missing two of the big pillars of how to keep healthy for a lifetime.”

Many already are.

Overlapping ‘Dental Deserts’ and Fluoride-Free Zones

Nearly 25 million Americans live in areas without enough dentists — more than twice as many as prior estimates by the federal government — according to a recent study from Harvard University that measured U.S. “dental deserts” with more depth and precision than before.

Hawazin Elani, a Harvard dentist and epidemiologist who co-authored the study, found that many shortage areas are rural and poor, and depend heavily on Medicaid. But many dentists do not accept Medicaid because payments can be low, Elani said.

The ADA has estimated that only a third of dentists treat patients on Medicaid.

“I suspect this situation is much worse for Medicaid beneficiaries,” Elani said. “If you have Medicaid and your nearest dentists do not accept it, then you will likely have to go to the third, or fourth, or the fifth.”

The Harvard study identified over 780 counties where more than half of the residents live in a shortage area. Of those counties, at least 230 also have mostly or completely unfluoridated public drinking water, according to a KFF analysis of fluoride data published by the CDC. That means people in these areas who can’t find a dentist also do not get protection for their teeth from their tap water.

The KFF Health News analysis does not cover the entire nation because it does not include private wells and 13 states do not submit fluoride data to the CDC. But among those that do, most counties with a shortage of dentists and unfluoridated water are in the south-central U.S., in a cluster that stretches from Texas to the Florida Panhandle and up into Kansas, Missouri, and Oklahoma.

In the center of that cluster is the Ozark Mountain Regional Public Water Authority, which serves the Arkansas counties of Boone, Marion, Newton, and Searcy. It has refused to add fluoride ever since Arkansas enacted a statewide mandate in 2011. After weekly fines began in 2016, the water system unsuccessfully challenged the fluoride mandate in state court, then lost again on appeal.

Anderson, who has chaired the water system’s board since 2007, said he would like to challenge the fluoride mandate in court again and would argue the case himself if necessary. In a phone interview, Anderson said he believes that fluoride can hamper the brain and body to the point of making people “get fat and lazy.”

“So if you go out in the streets these days, walk down the streets, you’ll see lots of fat people wearing their pajamas out in public,” he said.

Nearby in the tiny, no-stoplight community of Leslie, Arkansas, which gets water from the Ozark system, the only dentist in town operates out of a one-man clinic tucked in the back of an antique store. Hand-painted lettering on the store window advertises a “pretty good dentist.”

James Flanagin, a third-generation dentist who opened this clinic three years ago, said he was drawn to Leslie by the quaint charms and friendly smiles of small-town life. But those same smiles also reveal the unmistakable consequences of refusing to fluoridate, he said.

“There is no doubt that there is more dental decay here than there would otherwise be,” he said. “You are going to have more decay if your water is not fluoridated. That’s just a fact.”

Fluoride Seen as a Great Public Health Achievement

Fluoride was first added to public water in an American city in 1945 and spread to half of the U.S. population by 1980, according to the CDC. Because of “the dramatic decline” in cavities that followed, in 1999 the CDC dubbed fluoridation as one of 10 great public health achievements of the 20th century.

Currently more than 70% of the U.S. population on public water systems get fluoridated water, with a recommended concentration of 0.7 milligrams per liter, or about three drops in a 55-gallon barrel, according to the CDC.

Fluoride is also present in modern toothpaste, mouthwash, dental varnish, and some food and drinks — like raisins, potatoes, oatmeal, coffee, and black tea. But several dental experts said these products do not reliably reach as many low-income families as drinking water, which has an additional benefit over toothpaste of strengthening children’s teeth from within as they grow.

Two recent polls have found that the largest share of Americans support fluoridation, but a sizable minority does not. Polls from Axios/Ipsos and AP-NORC found that 48% and 40% of respondents wanted to keep fluoride in public water supplies, while 29% and 26% supported its removal.

Chelsea Fosse, an expert on oral health policy at the American Academy of Pediatric Dentistry, said she worried that misguided fears of fluoride would cause many people to stop using fluoridated toothpaste and varnish just as Medicaid cuts made it harder to see a dentist.

The combination, she said, could be “devastating.”

“It will be visibly apparent what this does to the prevalence of tooth decay,” Fosse said. “If we get rid of water fluoridation, if we make Medicaid cuts, and if we don’t support providers in locating and serving the highest-need populations, I truly don’t know what we will do.”

Multiple peer-reviewed studies have shown what ending water fluoridation could look like. In the past few years, studies of cities in Alaska and Canada have shown that communities that stopped fluoridation saw significant increases in children’s cavities when compared with similar cities that did not. A 2024 study from Israel reported a “two-fold increase” in dental treatments for kids within five years after the country stopped fluoridating in 2014.

Despite the benefits of fluoridation, it has been fiercely opposed by some since its inception, said Catherine Hayes, a Harvard dental expert who advises the American Dental Association on fluoride and has studied its use for three decades.

Fluoridation was initially smeared as a communist plot against America, Hayes said, and then later fears arose of possible links to cancer, which were refuted through extensive scientific research. In the ’80s, hysteria fueled fears of fluoride causing AIDS, which was “ludicrous,” Hayes said.

More recently, the anti-fluoride movement seized on international research that suggests high levels of fluoride can hinder children’s brain development and has been boosted by high-profile legal and political victories.

Last August, a hotly debated report from the National Institutes of Health’s National Toxicology Program found “with moderate confidence” that exposure to levels of fluoride that are higher than what is present in American drinking water is associated with lower IQ in children. The report was based on an analysis of 74 studies conducted in other countries, most of which were considered “low quality” and involved exposure of at least 1.5 milligrams of fluoride per liter of water — or more than twice the U.S. recommendation — according to the program.

The following month, in a long-simmering lawsuit filed by fluoride opponents, a federal judge in California said the possible link between fluoride and lowered IQ was too risky to ignore, then ordered the federal Environmental Protection Agency to take nonspecified steps to lower that risk. The EPA started to appeal this ruling in the final days of the Biden administration, but the Trump administration could reverse course.

The EPA and Department of Justice declined to comment. The White House and Department of Health and Human Services did not respond to questions about fluoride.

Despite the National Toxicology Program’s report, Hayes said, no association has been shown to date between lowered IQ and the amount of fluoride actually present in most Americans’ water. The court ruling may prompt additional research conducted in the U.S., Hayes said, which she hoped would finally put the campaign against fluoride to rest.

“It’s one of the great mysteries of my career, what sustains it,” Hayes said. “What concerns me is that there’s some belief amongst some members of the public — and some of our policymakers — that there is some truth to this.”

Not all experts were so dismissive of the toxicology program’s report. Bruce Lanphear, a children’s health researcher at Simon Fraser University in British Columbia, published an editorial in January that said the findings should prompt health organizations “to reassess the risks and benefits of fluoride, particularly for pregnant women and infants.”

“The people who are proposing fluoridation need to now prove it’s safe,” Lanphear told NPR in January. “That’s what this study does. It shifts the burden of proof — or it should.”

Cities and States Rethink Fluoride

At least 14 states so far this year have considered or are considering bills that would lift fluoride mandates or prohibit fluoride in drinking water altogether. In February, Utah lawmakers passed the nation’s first ban, which Republican Gov. Spencer Cox told ABC4 Utah he intends to sign. And both Florida Surgeon General Joseph Ladapo and Texas Agriculture Commissioner Sid Miller have called for their respective states to end fluoridation.

“I don’t want Big Brother telling me what to do,” Miller told The Dallas Morning News in February. “Government has forced this on us for too long.”

Additionally, dozens of cities and counties have decided to stop fluoridation in the past six months — including at least 16 communities in Florida with a combined population of more than 1.6 million — according to news reports and the Fluoride Action Network, an anti-fluoride group.

Stuart Cooper, executive director of that group, said the movement’s unprecedented momentum would be further supercharged if Kennedy and the Trump administration follow through on a recommendation against fluoride.

Cooper predicted that most U.S. communities will have stopped fluoridating within years.

“I think what you are seeing in Florida, where every community is falling like dominoes, is going to now happen in the United States,” he said. “I think we’re seeing the absolute end of it.”

If Cooper’s prediction is right, Hayes said, widespread decay would be visible within years. Kids’ teeth will rot in their mouths, she said, even though “we know how to completely prevent it.”

“It’s unnecessary pain and suffering,” Hayes said. “If you go into any children’s hospital across this country, you’ll see a waiting list of kids to get into the operating room to get their teeth fixed because they have severe decay because they haven’t had access to either fluoridated water or other types of fluoride. Unfortunately, that’s just going to get worse.”

Methodology: How We Counted

This KFF Health News article identifies communities with an elevated risk of tooth decay by combining data on areas with dentist shortages and unfluoridated drinking water. Our analysis merged Harvard University research on dentist-shortage areas with large datasets on public water systems published by the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.The Harvard research determined that nearly 25 million Americans live in dentist-shortage areas that span much of rural America. The CDC data details the populations served and fluoridation status of more than 38,000 public water systems in 37 states. We classified counties as having elevated risk of tooth decay if they met three criteria:More than half of the residents live in a dentist-shortage area identified by Harvard.The number of people receiving unfluoridated water from water systems based in that county amounts to more than half of the county’s population.The number of people receiving unfluoridated water from water systems based in that county amounts to at least half of the total population of all water systems based in that county, even if those systems reached beyond the county borders, which many do.

Our analysis identified approximately 230 counties that meet these criteria, meaning they have both a dire shortage of dentists and largely unfluoridated drinking water.

But this total is certainly an undercount. Thirteen states do not report water system data to the CDC, and the agency data does not include private wells, most of which are unfluoridated.

KFF Health News data editor Holly K. Hacker contributed to this article.

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

Subscribe to KFF Health News' free Morning Briefing.

This article first appeared on KFF Health News and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

McMINNVILLE, Tenn. — Each month, Michelle Shaw went to a pain clinic to get the shots that made her back feel worse — so she could get the pills that made her back feel better.

Shaw, 56, who has been dependent on opioid painkillers since she injured her back in a fall a decade ago, said in both an interview with KFF Health News and in sworn courtroom testimony that the Tennessee clinic would write the prescriptions only if she first agreed to receive three or four “very painful” injections of another medicine along her spine.

The clinic claimed the injections were steroids that would relieve her pain, Shaw said, but with each shot her agony would grow. Shaw said she eventually tried to decline the shots, then the clinic issued an ultimatum: Take the injections or get her painkillers somewhere else.

“I had nowhere else to go at the time,” Shaw testified, according to a federal court transcript. “I was stuck.”

Shaw was among thousands of patients of Pain MD, a multistate pain management company that was once among the nation’s most prolific users of what it referred to as “tendon origin injections,” which normally inject a single dose of steroids to relieve stiff or painful joints. As many doctors were scaling back their use of prescription painkillers due to the opioid crisis, Pain MD paired opioids with monthly injections into patients’ backs, claiming the shots could ease pain and potentially lessen reliance on painkillers, according to federal court documents.

Now, years later, Pain MD’s injections have been proved in court to be part of a decade-long fraud scheme that made millions by capitalizing on patients’ dependence on opioids. The Department of Justice has successfully argued at trial that Pain MD’s “unnecessary and expensive injections” were largely ineffective because they targeted the wrong body part, contained short-lived numbing medications but no steroids, and appeared to be based on test shots given to cadavers — people who felt neither pain nor relief because they were dead.

Four Pain MD employees have pleaded guilty or been convicted of health care fraud, including company president Michael Kestner, who was found guilty of 13 felonies at an October trial in Nashville, Tennessee. According to a transcript from Kestner’s trial that became public in December, witnesses testified that the company documented giving patients about 700,000 total injections over about eight years and said some patients got as many as 24 shots at once.

Michelle Shaw and her fiancé, Thomas Truss, said in interviews that Pain MD clinics required patients to agree to multiple injections near their spines each month or be discharged. Shaw begrudgingly accepted the shots so she would not lose access to her painkiller prescriptions, but Truss said he refused the injections and was “kicked out.” Shaw was a key witness in the trial of Pain MD president Michael Kestner, who was convicted of 13 felonies related to health care fraud in October.

The Department of Justice declined to comment for this article. Kestner’s attorneys either declined to comment or did not respond to requests for an interview. At trial, Kestner’s attorneys argued that he was a well-intentioned businessman who wanted to run pain clinics that offered more than just pills. He is scheduled to be sentenced on April 21 in a federal court in Nashville.

According to the transcript of Kestner’s trial, Shaw and three other former patients testified that Pain MD’s injections did not ease their pain and sometimes made it worse. The patients said they tolerated the shots only so Pain MD wouldn’t cut off their prescriptions, without which they might have spiraled into withdrawal.

“They told me that if I didn’t take the shots — because I said they didn’t help — I would not get my medication,” testified Patricia McNeil, a former patient in Tennessee, according to the trial transcript. “I took the shots to get my medication.”

In her interview with KFF Health News, Shaw said that often she would arrive at the Pain MD clinic walking with a cane but would leave in a wheelchair because the injections left her in too much pain to walk.

“That was the pain clinic that was supposed to be helping me,” Shaw said in her interview. “I would come home crying. It just felt like they were using me.”

‘Not Actually Injections Into Tendons at All’

Pain MD, which sometimes operated under the name Mid-South Pain Management, ran as many as 20 clinics in Tennessee, Virginia, and North Carolina throughout much of the 2010s. Some clinics averaged more than 12 injections per patient each month, and at least two patients each received more than 500 shots in total, according to federal court documents.

All those injections added up. According to Medicare data filed in federal court, Pain MD and Mid-South Pain Management billed Medicare for more than 290,000 “tendon origin injections” from January 2010 to May 2018, which is about seven times that of any other Medicare biller in the U.S. over the same period.

Tens of thousands of additional injections were billed to Medicaid and Tricare during those same years, according to federal court documents. Pain MD billed these government programs for about $111 per injection and collected more than $5 million from the government for the shots, according to the court documents.

More injections were billed to private insurance too. Christy Wallace, an audit manager for BlueCross BlueShield of Tennessee, testified that Pain MD billed the insurance company about $40 million for more than 380,000 injections from January 2010 to March 2013. BlueCross paid out about $7 million before it cut off Pain MD, Wallace said.

Michelle Shaw, a former patient of Pain MD in Tennessee, testified in federal court that the pain clinics threatened to discharge her as a patient, which would have cut off her painkiller prescriptions and likely sent her into withdrawal, if she did not agree to monthly injections in her back, making her pain worse. Shaw was a key witness in the trial of Pain MD president Michael Kestner, who was convicted of 13 felonies related to health care fraud in October. Shaw was photographed at her Tennessee home on Jan. 14, 2025. (Brett Kelman/KFF Health News)

These kinds of enormous billing allegations are not uncommon in health care fraud cases, in which fraudsters sometimes find a legitimate treatment that insurance will pay for and then overuse it to the point of absurdity, said Don Cochran, a former U.S. attorney for the Middle District of Tennessee.

Tennessee alone has seen fraud allegations for unnecessary billing of urine testing, skin creams, and other injections in just the past decade. Federal authorities have also investigated an alleged fraud scheme involving a Tennessee company and hundreds of thousands of catheters billed to Medicare, according to The Washington Post, citing anonymous sources.

Cochran said the Pain MD case felt especially “nefarious” because it used opioids to make patients play along.

“A scheme where you get Medicare or Medicaid money to provide a medically unnecessary treatment is always going to be out there,” Cochran said. “The opioid piece just gives you a universe of compliant people who are not going to question what you are doing.”

“It was only opioids that made those folks come back,” he said.

The allegations against Pain MD became public in 2018 when Cochran and the Department of Justice filed a civil lawsuit against the company, Kestner, and several associated clinics, alleging that Pain MD defrauded taxpayers and government insurance programs by billing for “tendon origin injections” that were “not actually injections into tendons at all.”

Kestner, Pain MD, and several associated clinics have each denied all allegations in that lawsuit, which is ongoing.

Scott Kreiner, an expert on spine care and pain medicine who testified at Kestner’s criminal trial, said that true tendon origin injections (or TOIs) typically are used to treat inflamed joints, like the condition known as “tennis elbow,” by injecting steroids or platelet-rich plasma into a tendon. Kreiner said most patients need only one shot at a time, according to the transcript.

But Pain MD made repeated injections into patients’ backs that contained only lidocaine or Marcaine, which are anesthetic medications that cause numbness for mere hours, Kreiner testified. Pain MD also used needles that were often too short to reach back tendons, Kreiner said, and there was no imaging technology used to aim the needle anyway. Kreiner said he didn’t find any injections in Pain MD’s records that appeared medically necessary, and even if they had been, no one could need so many.

“I simply cannot fathom a scenario where the sheer quantity of TOIs that I observed in the patient records would ever be medically necessary,” Kreiner said, according to the trial transcript. “This is not even a close call.”

Jonathan White, a physician assistant who administered injections at Pain MD and trained other employees to do so, then later testified against Kestner as part of a plea deal, said at trial that he believed Pain MD’s injection technique was based on a “cadaveric investigation.”

According to the trial transcript, White said that while working at Pain MD he realized he could find no medical research that supported performing tendon origin injections on patients’ backs instead of their joints. When he asked if Pain MD had any such research, White said, an employee responded with a two-paragraph letter from a Tennessee anatomy professor — not a medical doctor — that said it was possible to reach the region of back tendons in a cadaver by injecting “within two fingerbreadths” of the spine. This process was “exactly the procedure” that was taught at Pain MD, White said.

During his own testimony, Kreiner said it was “potentially dangerous” to inject a patient as described in the letter, which should not have been used to justify medical care.

“This was done on a dead person,” Kreiner said, according to the trial transcript. “So the letter says nothing about how effective the treatment is.”

OverInjecting ‘Killed My Hand’

Pain MD collapsed into bankruptcy in 2019, leaving some patients unable to get new prescriptions because their medical records were stuck in locked storage units, according to federal court records.

At the time, Pain MD defended the injections and its practice of discharging patients who declined the shots. When a former patient publicly accused the company of treating his back “like a dartboard,” Pain MD filed a defamation lawsuit, then dropped the suit about a month later.

“These are interventional clinics, so that’s what they offer,” Jay Bowen, a then-attorney for Pain MD, told The Tennessean newspaper in 2019. “If you don’t want to consider acupuncture, don’t go to an acupuncture clinic. If you don’t want to buy shoes, don’t go to a shoe store.”

Kestner’s trial told another story. According to the trial transcript, eight former Pain MD medical providers testified that the driving force behind Pain MD’s injections was Kestner himself, who is not a medical professional and yet regularly pressured employees to give more shots.

One nurse practitioner testified that she received emails “every single workday” pushing for more injections. Others said Kestner openly ranked employees by their injection rates, and implied that those who ranked low might be fired.

“He told me that if I had to feed my family based on my productivity, that they would starve,” testified Amanda Fryer, a nurse practitioner who was not charged with any crime.

Brian Richey, a former Pain MD nurse practitioner who at times led the company’s injection rankings, and has since taken a plea deal that required him to testify in court, said at the trial that he “performed so many injections” that his hand became chronically inflamed and required surgery.

“‘Overinjecting killed my hand,’” Richey said on the witness stand, reading a text message he sent to another Pain MD employee in 2017, according to the trial transcript. “‘I was in so much pain injecting people that didnt want it but took it to stay a patient.’”

“Why would they want to stay there?” a prosecutor asked.

“To keep getting their narcotics,” Richey responded, according to the trial transcript.

Throughout the trial, defense attorney Peter Strianse argued that Pain MD’s focus on injections was a result of Kestner’s “obsession” with ensuring that the company “would never be called a pill mill.”

Strianse said that Kestner “stayed up at night worrying” about patients coming to clinics only to get opioid prescriptions, so he pushed his employees to administer injections, too.

“Employers motivating employees is not a crime,” Strianse said at closing arguments, according to the court transcript. “We get pushed every day to perform. It’s not fraud; it’s a fact of life.”

Prosecutors insisted that this defense rang hollow. During the trial, former employees had testified that most patients’ opioid dosages remained steady or increased while at Pain MD, and that the clinics did not taper off the painkillers no matter how many injections were given.

“Giving them injections does not fix the pill mill problem,” federal prosecutor Katherine Payerle said during closing arguments, according to the trial transcript. “The way to fix being a pill mill is to stop giving the drugs or taper the drugs.”

Over three decades of relentless pain, Jonna Tallant has tried about every TMJ treatment: mouthguards, six sets of braces, dental crowns and appliances, drugs, physical therapy, Botox, massage, acupuncture, chiropractic care, and surgery.

Nothing has helped. Tallant, 51, of Knoxville, Tennessee, said she lives in agony and cannot eat any food that must be chewed. Despite spending a small fortune on treatment, she can barely open her mouth enough to squeeze in a toothbrush.

Tallant estimates she has paid at least $200,000 for TMJ care. She provided medical records showing more than $60,000 in out-of-pocket spending in just the past decade. She has exhausted her savings and borrowed money, she said, and her family sold a plot of land to help pay the bills.

Tallant will need another jaw surgery later this year, which could cost as much as $75,000. Her insurance is unlikely to pay for any of it, she said.

“It’s a bottomless pit,” Tallant said, choking up, as she leafed through a pile of medical records splayed on her dining table. “It has consumed so much of my life that there is not much left.”

Temporomandibular joint disorders, known as TMJ or TMD, cause pain and stiffness in the face and jaw and are believed to afflict as many as 33 million Americans. Scientific studies have found that women experience TMJ disorders two to nine times as often as men, and while minor symptoms may not require treatment, severe symptoms can include disabling pain that makes it challenging to eat, work, talk, or sleep.

Despite the commonness of TMJ disorders, treatments are often not covered by medical or dental insurance, leaving patients with out-of-pocket bills that can range from a few hundred dollars to tens of thousands of dollars. Many medical insurers consider TMJ treatment too dental-focused for medical insurance, while dental insurers consider it too medical for dental insurance, leaving patients stuck in a “medical-dental divide” that hinders care and increases cost, according to the National Academies of Science, Engineering, and Medicine.

Worse still, researchers warn that the meager insurance coverage available for TMJ often excludes the safest forms of care while steering patients toward surgery — a riskier and irreversible option that the National Institutes of Health recommends “staying away” from.

Terrie Cowley, a longtime TMJ patient who leads the TMJ Association, an advocacy group, has spoken with patients who refinanced their homes and cashed out retirement accounts to afford the out-of-pocket costs for their care.

“It bankrupts them,” Cowley said. “But it isn’t nearly as horrible as when the treatments go wrong.”

Insurance woes are just one facet of the problems with TMJ care in the United States. In April, a joint investigation by KFF Health News and CBS News found that TMJ disorders have been widely misunderstood by many dentists for decades, so some patients fall into a spiral of ineffective care and futile surgeries that do more harm than good. Dentistry has tried to correct course in recent years with the promising new specialty of orofacial pain, which treats TMJ disorders with a more conservative approach, but these specialists are few and rarely covered by insurance, so their services remain beyond the reach of many patients.

Tony Schwartz, president of the American Board of Orofacial Pain, said the specialty is still fighting for widespread acceptance from insurance companies and some dentists, who cling to “old, debunked theories” that TMJ disorders are caused by misaligned teeth or a bad bite.

“This is the basis for why insurance companies have been so reluctant to, over the years, pay for any treatment,” Schwartz said. “Because there has been so much controversy about what works and what doesn’t work.”

For this article, KFF Health News and CBS News interviewed 10 patients with severe TMJ disorders who have been in treatment for years, if not decades. Almost all the patients described spending thousands of dollars out-of-pocket at every stage of their care, usually because treatment fell outside their medical and dental insurance coverage. Some patients said their medical bills mounted just as debilitating pain forced them to leave jobs or abandon careers. Some underwent expensive TMJ surgeries offered by only a small group of surgeons who generally do not accept insurance.

Kyra Wiedenkeller, 45, of New York state, said she worked as a manager in the music industry, including on “American Idol,” before her “unrelenting pain” became too great.

Wiedenkeller, who is now on disability, said she’s spent at least $100,000 out-of-pocket on TMJ treatment and provided medical documents showing she had been billed for at least that much.

“Every doctor I’ve seen has made me progressively worse,” Wiedenkeller said. “I paid an exorbitant amount of money. I wiped out my 401(k) for these treatments in hopes of getting better time and time again. And just get worse and worse. I feel like there is no end.”

Wiedenkeller’s story echoes findings of the national academies, which conducted a comprehensive study of TMJ in 2020 that included input from more than 110 patients. The study found that TMJ patients are “often harmed” during “overly aggressive” treatment, which frequently falls into a chasm between medical and dental insurance, leaving most bills paid out-of-pocket at costs of up to tens of thousands of dollars.

As an example, the study describes how dental splints — a common TMJ treatment — have been considered to be medical care by some dental insurers and considered dental care by some medical insurance programs, and are “therefore not covered” by either.

And when TMJ is covered by insurance, it tends to exclude “low-risk, effective treatments,” like those used by orofacial pain specialists, but covers “higher-risk” options, like jaw surgery, according to the national academies study. This leads to patients receiving “the care that is best reimbursed, rather than the care that is best,” the study said.

Other researchers have come to the same conclusion.

James Fricton, an orofacial pain specialist who studies the lack of insurance coverage for TMJ care, said that even though surgery is appropriate for few patients, it is the only treatment covered by most insurance plans in most states.

“Patients will assume that insurance companies know what they’re doing,” Fricton said. “If that’s all that’s covered, what do you think they are going to get? Surgery.”

In contrast, insurance coverage appears to be weakest at the other end of the treatment spectrum.

“Orofacial pain,” officially recognized by the American Dental Association in 2020, is now taught in residency programs at a dozen U.S. colleges at least, including the universities of Michigan, Minnesota, and North Carolina. The specialty avoids making irreversible changes to the bite or jaw and instead treats TMJ disorders with tools like counseling, dietary changes, medication, physical therapy, and removable dental splints. Many TMJ patients can be treated by orofacial pain specialists for a few thousand dollars.

The national academies study describes this approach as one of the few promising options for TMJ patients, citing studies that showed improvement among patients who are taught how to manage their pain. But the national academies also said it is a “particular challenge” that this treatment is “often not considered reimbursable by insurance.”

In separate interviews, six orofacial pain specialists with clinics around the country said insurance coverage for this specialty care is patchy, poor, or nonexistent. Several said their specialty is often absent from dropdown menus on standard insurance forms. Most said the insurance industry had fallen behind on the evolving science of TMJ, missing a chance to help patients and cut costs.

“It’s a no-brainer,” said Jeffrey Okeson, dean of the University of Kentucky’s College of Dentistry. “If I was an insurance person, I’d want to supply $1,000 to a patient to do conservative treatment … instead of $15,000 or $30,000 for surgery. Think of the money that can be saved there.”

Okeson and the other orofacial pain specialists said unreliable insurance coverage has hamstrung the specialty by making it less attractive to the next generation of dentists.

Currently there are fewer than 300 certified orofacial pain specialists in the United States, according to a database maintained by the American Board of Orofacial Pain. At least 20 states have no certified specialists, and eight other states have only one or two.

Deepika Jaiswal, the only certified specialist in Iowa, said some patients with TMJ disorders drive across the state to see her.

However, most of her patients — and many of her fellow dentists — remain unaware of the orofacial pain specialty, Jaiswal said, so insurance companies likely feel little pressure to include it in their coverage.

“People don’t even know around the area that we exist,” Jaiswal said. “When there are more providers providing this service, I think at that point there will be more insurance.”

CBS News producer Nicole Keller contributed to this article.

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

Subscribe to KFF Health News' free Morning Briefing.