'Inexcusable'! Outrage as another GOP-led state advances Trump-backed gerrymandered map

Legislative push to gerrymander Missouri congressional map advances

by Jason Hancock, Missouri Independent
September 4, 2025

If a new Missouri congressional map endorsed by President Donald Trump is put into place, voters living on Kansas City’s east side will share a congressional district with people living nearly four hours away in Osage County.

Anyone living in downtown Kansas City would be in a district stretching south nearly to Springfield. And Kansas Citians living north of the Missouri River would be in a district running to the border of Iowa and Illinois.

All of those voters currently reside in the 5th Congressional District and are represented by 11-term Democratic U.S. Rep. Emanuel Cleaver.

But under the proposed new map, which was approved Thursday by a Missouri House committee after more than five hours of public testimony, that district would be carved up in hopes of creating another Republican-leaning seat.

“This is a superior map than the one we have today,” said state Rep. Dirk Deaton, a Noel Republican sponsoring the redistricting legislation.

Missouri has eight congressional districts, with Democrats holding two.

Trump, facing a potentially difficult midterm election cycle next year, has instructed GOP-controlled states to redraw maps to add more Republican seats.

Even though mid-decade redistricting in Missouri is nearly unheard of — it hasn’t happened in six decades, following a U.S. Supreme Court decision — Gov. Mike Kehoe called lawmakers back into session this week to redraw the map so the GOP would hold nearly seven of the state’s seats in the U.S. House.

Republicans Thursday downplayed any role Trump’s demands had on the gerrymandering push. And they insisted the map was drawn by the governor’s staff, not the White House.

Democrats didn’t buy it, denouncing the map as unconstitutional and the push to split up Kansas City for partisan gain as “morally corrupt and inexcusable.”

“Every Missourian deserves fair representation, not these political tricks,” said state Rep. Mark Sharp, a Kansas City Democrat. “My city, Kansas City, hangs in the balance right here, right now.”

The Missouri Constitution calls for the legislature to draw new congressional districts every 10 years after new census numbers are certified to the governor. That happened in 2022, and Democrats argue it violates the state constitution to draw another map before the next census is complete.

There are also questions about whether relying on old population data could also violate the state and federal constitutions.

The Missouri NAACP filed a lawsuit Wednesday in Cole County arguing the governor’s decision to call a special session was unconstitutional. Cleaver has also promised to go to court to challenge any gerrymandered map lawmakers approve.

House Minority Leader Ashley Aune, a Kansas City Democrat, on Thursday demanded demographic information about the map be made available to the public before the committee took a vote.

“I’m asking for information for the public and for this committee,” Aune said. “We deserve to have that information, and if you are not willing to provide it, what are you hiding?"

She also pressed Deaton on whether the governor’s office actually drew the map, or whether it was crafted by the Trump administration. She noted Trump last week praised the map and instructed Missouri lawmakers to approve it “AS IS.”

The proposed new map meets constitutional requirements of districts with equal population as precisely as possible, Deaton said, and is more compact and contiguous, and divides fewer communities, than the current map.

He said the governor was clear that his staff drew the proposed map.

“Gov. Kehoe has never lied to me,” Deaton said, “so I take him at his word.”

The only person to testify in favor of the proposed new map was Susan Klein, executive director of Missouri Right to Life. She said her organization is committed to helping pass anti-abortion legislation and supporting anti-abortion elected officials.

“We support the process that would increase those numbers,” she said.

A parade of critics testified against the map, including the Missouri Voter Protection Coalition, the Missouri NAACP, the League of Women Voters and several residents of the 5th District.

Shannon Cooper, a lobbyist for the city of Kansas City and former Republican lawmaker, said the proposed map “chops our region into three different pieces.” The needs of downtown Kansas City, he said, are different than the needs of rural Henry County.

“I have gone through three redistricting processes in my time here, and what is sorely lacking in this is the amount of public input and the time where, in the past, the committees have traveled across the state and gone into communities and taken the local input from citizens, businesses as well as elected local officials to see what they care about and how they want to be put into those districts,” he said. “And we’re going to do this in six or eight hours and vote it out Monday and Tuesday.”

Phil Scaglia, testifying on behalf of Cleaver, who could not attend Thursday’s hearing, said the map violates the “one person, one vote” principle by relying on old census data. It is also unconstitutional, Scaglia argued, because it “fails to be compact and divides communities of interest.”

The new map could still be redrawn in a way that includes all of Kansas City south of the river in the 5th District, Scaglia said, and still give Republicans the electoral advantage in the district they are seeking.

State Rep. Don Mayhew, a Republican from Crocker, countered that he believes Kansas City would benefit by being represented by three members of Congress instead of only one.

The proposed new map leaves two districts untouched — the 7th District in southwest Missouri and 8th District in southeast Missouri, both represented by Republicans. It only tinkers with the 1st District, based in St. Louis and represented by Democrat Wesley Bell.

The 2nd District, represented by Republican Ann Wagner, moves south of the Missouri River, taking in southern St. Louis suburbs along with Gasconade, Crawford, Jefferson and Washington counties.

The 3rd District, represented by Republican Bob Onder, swaps territory with the 2nd, taking over all of St. Charles and Warren counties, adding Audrain, Lincoln, Monroe, Pike and Ralls counties as it stretches north to Hannabil and encompasses nearly all of Columbia.

The 4th and 6th Districts are where the Kansas City voters who previously all lived in the 5th will be moved.

The 4th District loses parts of Columbia, along with Sedalia and Warrensburg to the 5th District in order to pick up downtown Kansas City. It is represented by Republican Mark Alford.

The 6th District runs across the entire northern half of the state, picking up a piece of Kansas City north of the Missouri River.

It’s the 5th District that sees the most substantial changes. Previously encompassing nearly all of Kansas City, the district now only includes the city’s east side, then stretches east to encompass Jefferson City all the way to Phelps County. It also includes the northern portion of Boone County, but not the Democrat-leaning areas of Columbia.

The 5th District also picks up six counties from the 3rd District — Cole, Cooper, Howard, Maries, Moniteau and Miller counties as well as Morgan County from the 4th District.

Sharp asked Deaton on Thursday whether he would be open to changing the map, even in small ways. Deaton said the map was produced and requested by the governor, and he “can’t imagine myself at this time supporting any changes.”

“You move one line to make one person happy,” Deaton said, “and you have to move seven other lines and you’ve got seven new enemies… this is the map I’m supporting.”

As the committee was preparing to vote on the proposed map, Sharp offered an amendment moving a small portion of south Kansas City in the Hickman Mills area — around 12,000 voters — back into the 5th District. The change would be balanced out by moving voters near Grain Valley to the 4th District.

Republicans opposed the change, and Sharp withdrew the amendment.

Aune said the entire process “reeks of an authoritarian power grab.”

State Rep. Richard West, a Wentzville Republican and chair of the committee, praised the map for moving all of St. Charles County into the same district.

“My county is currently split up,” he said. “This is going to make us whole.”

State Rep. Bill Hardwick, a Republican from Dixon, pushed back on the idea that what Republicans are doing by redrawing the map is out of the ordinary in American politics.

“I’m not saying we should gerrymander or we shouldn’t,” he said, adding: “I’m just saying it’s been part of the republic from the beginning.”

The Missouri House is expected to debate the proposed new map on Monday and send it to the Senate on Tuesday.

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Missouri Independent is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Missouri Independent maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Jason Hancock for questions: info@missouriindependent.com.

Fury erupts as red state GOP repeals voter-approved laws: 'Kicked a hornet’s nest'

Republican lawmakers’ decision to overturn a voter-approved expansion of paid sick leave means benefits Missouri workers accrued in recent months will disappear on Aug. 28.

They also placed a question on the 2026 ballot rolling back abortion rights that voters enshrined in the state constitution in November.

It’s not the first time the GOP-dominated legislature overturned voter-approved laws in recent years. But this time, the backlash could have long-lasting consequences.

In the short term, proponents of the paid sick leave law are eyeing a new initiative petition to reinstate the benefit in the state constitution, while abortion-rights supporters expect to raise millions to fend off a new ban.

But another coalition hopes to go even further.

Respect Missouri Voters, a bipartisan constellation of organizations, this month submitted 38 versions of a new initiative petition seeking to undermine the legislature’s ability to overturn voter-approved measures.

Most would require 80% of the legislature to agree before a law or constitutional amendment enacted by initiative petition could be revised or repealed. They also would prohibit the legislature from making the initiative and referendum process more difficult.

The group’s PAC reported $200,000 cash on hand on July 1, with another $170,000 in large donations since then. That includes $10,000 from former Republican U.S. Sen. John Danforth.

“This is our one shot,” said Benjamin Singer, CEO of one of the coalition’s members, Show Me Integrity. “If we don’t act now, they’ll succeed in silencing us forever.”

Missouri Gov. Kehoe signs bill repealing paid sick leave

Republicans have taken notice, with some pondering a preemptive strike to change the initiative petition process before any campaign gets off the ground. But others worry it may already be too late and wonder if the GOP overplayed its hand with its recent moves.

“The legislature doesn’t really seem to understand, they’ve kicked the hornet’s nest,” said James Harris, a veteran Republican consultant in Missouri. “We may be about to cross the rubicon… where the legislature loses a lot of its power.”

The showdown is decades in the making.

After Missourians approved a constitutional amendment to limit taxes in the 1980s, the Democratic-led legislature tried to make changes to the initiative petition process that were criticized at the time by GOP Gov. John Ashcroft as an attempt to silence voters. He ultimately vetoed the bill.

In 1999, Missouri voters rejected a ballot measure that would have allowed concealed carry of firearms. Despite the defeat, the legislature revisited the issue after Republicans took the majority and ultimately passed a concealed carry bill in 2003.

Voters passed a ballot measure in 2010 called the “Puppy Mill Cruelty and Prevention Act” that specified appropriate living conditions for breeding operations with at least 10 female breeding dogs. It also capped the number of animals that a business could use for breeding at 50.

Soon after, lawmakers passed a bill that peeled back key parts of the new law, including the cap on the number of breeding dogs.

The puppy mill vote inspired advocates to forgo changes to state law and instead put their focus on putting policy changes in the state constitution — making it much harder for lawmakers to make changes because it would require another statewide vote.

In subsequent years, voters approved constitutional amendments legalizing marijuana, expanding Medicaid eligibility, creating a nonpartisan redistricting plan and repealing a ban on abortion.

But the GOP supermajority wasn’t ready to quit without a fight.

Lawmakers refused to fund Medicaid expansion until the Missouri Supreme Court said they had no choice. They pushed through a ballot measure of their own, approved by voters, that repealed the nonpartisan redistricting plan.

Next year, voters will weigh in on an amendment passed by the legislature putting the state’s abortion ban back in place. The paid sick leave expansion was not a constitutional amendment, allowing lawmakers to repeal it without a new statewide vote.

“I don’t understand the legislature’s strategy at all,” said Sean Nicholson, a progressive strategist who has worked on numerous initiative petition campaigns in Missouri. “A very pro-Trump electorate spoke very clearly on abortion rights and paid sick leave in November. And now we head into a midterm, and we’ve seen in Missouri and other states that shenanigans from politicians become part of the story. The legislature has given voters plenty of motivation to double down on what they’ve already said.”

Missouri Republicans shut down Senate debate to pass abortion ban, repeal sick leave law

Republicans, who held legislative super majorities as these progressive ballot measures have been approved by voters, have long complained that out-of-state money from anonymous sources have largely fueled these initiative petition campaigns.

They’ve vowed for years to make it harder to change the constitution through the initiative petition process, but the push always fizzled amidst GOP infighting or other legislative priorities.

The threat of an initiative petition that would weaken the legislature’s hand in the process has reignited calls for Republicans to take action quickly. The Missouri Freedom Caucus, a group of right-wing legislators who regularly quarrel with GOP leadership, is calling on Gov. Mike Kehoe to convene a special legislative session to change the initiative petition process.

“Missouri’s Constitution should not be up for sale to the highest left-wing bidder,” the group said in a statement last week. “Without immediate reform, left-wing activists will continue to use this loophole to force their unpopular agenda on Missouri citizens with a mere 51% of the vote.”

Whether Missourians will get another chance to vote on paid sick leave is still up in the air.

Missouri’s law allowed employees to earn one hour of paid sick time for every 30 hours worked, starting May 1. By the time it’s officially repealed, 17 weeks will have elapsed. That means someone working 40 hours a week could have earned 22 hours of paid sick leave.

If workers don’t use their paid sick leave before Aug. 28, there’s no legal guarantee they can do so afterward.

The sick leave expansion was a “job killer,” said Kara Corches, president and CEO of the Missouri Chamber of Commerce and Industry, adding that “one-size-fits-all mandates threaten growth.”

Richard Von Glahn, policy director of Missouri Jobs with Justice, which advocated for the paid sick leave ballot measure, noted 58% of voters approved the proposal. It was also upheld unanimously by the Missouri Supreme Court.

“Now workers may again face the reality of having no paid sick time to take care of their families without losing out on a check,” Von Glahn said shortly after the governor signed the paid sick leave repeal earlier this month. “This move by the Missouri legislature sets a dangerous precedent for democratic processes in our state.”

'Lost all credibility': Red state Republicans ripped apart by football spat

A group of renegade GOP state lawmakers whose quarrels with party leaders defined years of Missouri legislative inaction appears to be ripping apart over a plan to fund stadiums for the Chiefs and Royals.

On Friday, state Sen. Rick Brattin stepped down as chairman of the Missouri Freedom Caucus just days after voting in favor of $1.5 billion in tax incentives to finance new or renovated stadiums. He noted the stadium vote in the statement announcing his resignation.

The group had vowed to oppose the funding scheme, which it decried as a “handout to billionaire sports team owners.” But Brattin, a Harrisonville Republican, and state Sen. Brad Hudson, a Cape Fair Republican who is also a Freedom Caucus member, voted in support of the plan after a provision was added making changes to local property tax bills.

The response from conservative activists was swift.

Some accused Brattin of betrayal, while others argued he was duped by the inclusion of language allowing the stadium funding to survive even if a court tosses out the property tax provisions.

“For several years, discussion in (Jefferson City) revolved around conservatives exposing moderate and liberal Republicans by getting them on bad votes that showed who they were,” Bill Eigel, a former Missouri Senate Freedom Caucus leader who is running for St. Charles County executive, posted on social media. “Gov. Mike Kehoe changed this dynamic. He is getting conservatives to vote as badly as the moderates.”

Jim Lembke, a former GOP state senator and adviser to the Freedom Caucus, said the group is “void of any leadership and has lost all credibility. They should disband and join the uniparty that runs Jefferson City.”

Missouri governor allows more spending, property tax cap as he pursues stadium deal

Tim Jones, state director for the Missouri Freedom Caucus, said during a radio appearance on Friday that he advised senators to vote against the stadium bill and was surprised when two members of the caucus ended up supporting it.

“In the light of day, there’s some buyer’s remorse. There’s some regret,” Jones said, though he later added: “To his defense, (Sen. Brattin) thought he was doing the right thing to protect the interest of his constituents.”

Brattin defended his vote on social media, posting a video saying that while the deal wasn’t perfect, he was determined that “if we’re going to be giving handouts to millionaires and billionaires, we need broad-based tax relief for people.”

“To me,” he said, “this was a massive win. On the stadium, they were going to get the votes, whatever it took. So I tried to weigh this out and make lemonade from the lemons we were given.”

Brattin’s chief of staff was less diplomatic, accusing Eigel of treating politics like a game.

“He’d rather chase likes on social media than deliver real wins,” Tom Estes, Brattin’s top legislative staffer, wrote in a now-deleted social media post. “It’s pathetic, and just one more reason he’s never been an effective leader.”

The war between the Freedom Caucus and Missouri Senate leadership raged for years, creating so much gridlock that fewer bills passed last year than any session in living memory — despite Republicans holding a legislative super majority.

Tensions cooled this year, with term limits pushing key figures on both sides of the fight out of the Senate. The detente led to a much more productive session, marked more by partisan squabbling than GOP infighting.

But the Freedom Caucus’ history of using procedural hijinks to upend legislative business made its opposition to the stadium bill an existential threat to its success, forcing Republican leaders to take demands for some form of tax cut seriously.

If approved by the House and signed by Kehoe, the legislation passed by the Senate would allocate state taxes collected from economic activity at Arrowhead and Kauffman to bond payments for renovations at Arrowhead and a new stadium for the Royals in Jackson or Clay counties.

The cost is estimated at close to $1.5 billion over 30 years.

Both teams have expressed interest in leaving Missouri when the lease on their current stadiums expire in 2030, and Kansas lawmakers have put a deal on the table that would use state incentives to pay for up to 70% of the costs of new stadiums.

The Kansas deal expires on June 30.In order to win over Democrats, who were skeptical of the plan and still upset with how the regular legislative session ended last month, Kehoe agreed to increase the size of a disaster relief package for St. Louis from $25 billion to $100 billion.

To quell any possible Freedom Caucus uprising, Kehoe allowed the inclusion of a provision in the stadium funding bill requiring most counties to put a hard cap on increases in property tax bills.

In 75 counties, tax bills would not increase more than 5% per year from a base amount, or the rate of inflation, whichever is less. In 22 others, including Brattin’s home county of Cass and Hudson’s entire seven-county district of southwest Missouri, no increase in the basic bill would be allowed.

The bill includes exceptions for newly voted levies and the additional value from improvements.

Many of the larger counties of the state, including Boone, Greene, Jackson, St. Louis County and the city of St. Louis, were excluded from the cap provisions. Franklin, Jefferson and St. Charles counties were put under the zero percent cap.

With the concessions, Kehoe stitched together a bipartisan coalition to get the stadium bill out of the Senate. There were 12 Republicans and seven Democrats voting to send it to the House on the 19-13 vote. Three of the chamber’s 10 Democrats joined 10 Republicans in opposition.

Eigel, who fell short to Kehoe in last year’s GOP primary for governor, poured cold water on the deal, arguing residents will never see any tax relief.

He points to language added to the bill after it cleared committee stating it is the “intent of the General Assembly” that if any piece of the legislation is eventually ruled invalid, “that provision shall be severed from the act and all remaining provisions shall be valid.”

“Kehoe’s guys snuck in a clause that will allow the property tax provisions of the bill to be stripped out by courts while the billionaire stadium bailout remains whole,” Eigel said. “When conservatives missed it in the final reading after being assured by the sponsor it wasn’t in there, the disaster was complete.”

A spokeswoman for the governor’s office didn’t respond to a question about the severability clause.

Brattin keeps hearing from people who say he “sold out,” he said, but he still believes the bill that passed the Senate was a win for Missourians.

“I just wanted to give some clarity to this,” Brattin said in his social media video. “Whether you agree or disagree, this is where my heart is on this.”

TV reporter injured by bullet fragment at Democrat's campaign event

A reporter for a Kansas City television station was struck by a bullet fragment Tuesday while covering a shooting range campaign event for Democrat Lucas Kunce.

Kunce, a Marine veteran hoping to unseat U.S. Sen. Josh Hawley, provided first aid to KSHB reporter Ryan Gamboa after a bullet fragment ricocheted off a target and struck him in the arm.

KSHB reports Gamboa’s injuries were minor and he was released from the hospital on Tuesday.

Kunce was holding an event at a shooting range near Kansas City with former U.S. Rep. Adam Kinzinger, an Illinois Republican. After the event, Kunce released a statement on social media reminding shooters to “always have your first aid kit handy.”

“Shrapnel can always fly when you hit a target like today,” Kunce said, “and you’ve got to be ready to go. We had four first aid kits, so we were able to take care of the situation, and I’m glad Ryan is okay and was able to continue reporting.”

Hawley was quick to mock Kunce for the shooting range incident, jokingly posting on social media: “I condemn all acts of violence against reporters and call on Kunce never to shoot another one.”

He added: “I know the Kunce campaign needed a shot in the arm, but this is taking it a little far.”

Kunce later responded by sharing video footage of Hawley fleeing from a mob of rioters after they breached the U.S. Capitol building on Jan. 6, 2021, trying to block the certification of the 2020 presidential election.

“The last time Josh Hawley saw a gun,” Kunce wrote, garnering a response from Hawley’s spokeswoman: “You just shot someone, relax.”

Every public poll of the race has shown Hawley in the lead, with most putting the Republican up by double digits. And Missouri hasn’t elected a Democrat to statewide office since 2018.

But Kunce has consistently outraised Hawley, including in the last quarter where he reported raising $7.6 million compared to around $4 million for Hawley and a supportive political action committee. But Hawley ended the quarter with more cash on hand, finishing September with $2.6 million for the campaign’s homestretch compared with $1.5 million for Kunce.

Josh Hawley busted over use of private jets for Missouri Senate campaign

One of Josh Hawley’s favorite lines of attack during his first run for U.S. Senate in 2018 was to lambaste his Democratic opponent for using a private jet to travel the state.

“I say, ‘Look, I’m driving everywhere, why don’t you drive?’ She can’t do it,” Hawley told Politico during the 2018 campaign about then-Sen. Claire McCaskill. “She’s totally addicted to her luxury lifestyle.”

Six years later, as Hawley seeks a second term, the attack is being turned back against him.

Lucas Kunce, the Democratic candidate for Senate, is pouncing on videos being circulated by his campaign of Hawley boarding a Gulfstream IV SP to hopscotch the state last week for rallies with Kansas City Chiefs kicker Harrison Butker.

The three-stop tour with Butker, Kunce said, was the senator’s first event in Missouri in weeks.

“Missouri’s flyover country for this guy,” Kunce said at a campaign rally in Jefferson City on Saturday. By contrast, Kunce says he’s traveling to campaign events in a minivan with his wife and 16-month-old son.

Lucas Kunce, Democratic candidate for U.S. Senate, speaks with supporters at a rally on Saturday at the Marine Corps League in Jefferson City (Jason Hancock/Missouri Independent).

It’s a familiar knock on Hawley, who even as he was hammering McCaskill in 2018 over private planes still accepted a $6,000 charter jet flight as an in-kind donation from a Jefferson City lobbyist.

But Hawley’s use of chartered jets began to increase last December, according to his most recent disclosure filed with the Federal Elections Commission in July. Hawley’s campaign spent more than $132,000 on chartered flights between mid-December and June. The largest expenses were $23,000 on March 19 and $21,000 on Feb. 6 to Air Charter Advisors.

The next round of campaign disclosure reports are due this week.

Responding to the criticism, Hawley’s campaign pivoted to its attack on an essay Kunce wrote in 2021 making the case that the U.S. needed to end its reliance on fossil fuels for the sake of national security.

“We get it,” Abigail Jackson, Hawley’s spokeswoman, said in an email to The Independent. “Kunce has made it clear he hates all vehicles that run on gas and diesel.”

Hawley and Kunce are entering the final weeks of a contentious fight for Missouri’s U.S. Senate seat.

Every public poll has shown Hawley in the lead, and national Democrats have largely ignored the race. But Kunce has run a populist campaign fueled by millions of small-dollar donations that have allowed him to go toe-to-toe with Hawley in television ad spending.

Since the August primary, Kunce’s campaign has spent more than $6 million on television advertising, according to FEC records analyzed by The Independent.

Hawley’s campaign has spent $3.9 million, while an independent PAC supporting his re-election, Show Me Strong, has spent roughly $1.9 million.

Kunce, a Marine veteran, paints Hawley as an out-of-touch plutocrat that’s he’s dubbed “Posh Josh” who only is running for Senate to benefit himself and his future political aspirations.

“While I spent 13 years in and out of war zones overseas, Josh Hawley and his political buddies were literally waging war on the people I’d signed up to serve right here at home,” Kunce told a rally of supporters at the Marine Corps League in Jefferson City Saturday. “And that’s not a hyperbole.”

Hawley, who served as Missouri attorney general for two years before joining the Senate, has portrayed Kunce as a radical on issues like immigration and LGBTQ rights. And he’s worked to tie Kunce to national Democrats in a state where Republicans have won every statewide election since 2018.

“We have to save our country,” Hawley told a crowd of supporters in Parkville on Thursday. “We are in crisis. This country is in crisis. It’s in chaos. And you and I know why that’s true. It’s in crisis because of the policies of my opponent, Lucas Kunce.”

Hawley’s campaign has repeatedly demanded Kunce state who he supports in the upcoming presidential election, something he has steadfastly refused to do.

“Now will he answer a simple question on the presidential election?” said Jackson, Hawley’s spokeswoman. “Is he voting for Trump or Kamala?”

Kunce says he won’t answer the question because it’s an effort by Hawley to distract voters and nationalize the race.

And he claims Hawley’s motivation is fear.

“He sees us coming for him,” Kunce said. “He knows he’s unlikable and he knows he is on the wrong side of every single issue.”

The Independent’s Anna Spoerre contributed to this story.

Missouri Independent is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Missouri Independent maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Jason Hancock for questions: info@missouriindependent.com. Follow Missouri Independent on Facebook and X.

Federal court declares Missouri’s ‘Second Amendment Preservation Act’ unconstitutional

A Missouri law declaring some federal gun regulations “invalid” is unconstitutional because it violates the U.S. Constitution’s supremacy clause, a federal appeals court in St. Louis unanimously ruled on Monday.

A three-judge panel of the Eighth Circuit Court of Appeals agreed with a district court ruling from last year that blocked Missouri from enforcing the Second Amendment Preservation Act, a law passed in 2021 that penalizes police for enforcing certain federal gun laws.

Among the law’s provisions is a $50,000 fine for law enforcement agencies that“infringe” on Missourians’ Second Amendment rights.

Some of the gun regulations deemed invalid by the law include imposing certain taxes on firearms, requiring gun owners to register their weapons and laws prohibiting “law-abiding” residents from possessing or transferring their guns.

“Because the (Second Amendment Preservation) Act purports to invalidate federal law in violation of the Supremacy Clause, we affirm the (district court’s) judgment,” Chief Judge Steven Colloton, a George W. Bush appointee, wrote in the unanimous opinion.

The U.S. Department of Justice filed the lawsuit challenging the law arguing it has undermined federal drug and weapons investigations. Late last year, the U.S. Supreme Court denied a request by Attorney General Andrew Bailey to allow Missouri to enforce the Second Amendment Preservation Act while its appeal is ongoing.

In a statement through his spokeswoman, Bailey said he is reviewing the decision. He added: “I will always fight for Missourians’ Second Amendment rights.”

Kansas City Mayor Quinton Lucas released a statement Monday afternoon praising the court’s decision.

“Two years ago, Missouri enacted an unconstitutional law, claiming to invalidate federal gun laws,” Lucas wrote. “The law was rejected in federal appeals court today… I am saddened that our state expended the time and energy of many in our legal system in service of this clearly unconstitutional effort.”

Missouri Independent is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Missouri Independent maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Jason Hancock for questions: info@missouriindependent.com. Follow Missouri Independent on Facebook and X.

Lawsuit seeks to knock Missouri abortion-rights amendment off Nov. 5 ballot

A pair of Republican state legislators and an anti-abortion activist filed a lawsuit Thursday asking a judge to block an abortion-rights constitutional amendment from appearing on the Nov. 5 ballot.

State Sen. Mary Elizabeth Coleman, state Rep. Hannah Kelly and Kathy Forck sued last year challenging the cost estimate for a proposed constitutional amendment rolling back Missouri’s ban on abortion.

The campaign behind the proposal ultimately turned in enough signatures to earn a spot on the November ballot, where it is set to appear as Amendment 3.

Missouri voters will decide whether to legalize abortion in November

On Thursday, Coleman, Kelly, Forck and Marguerite Forrest, the operator of a shelter for homeless pregnant women in St. Louis County, filed a new lawsuit in Cole Circuit Court arguing that the decision to place the amendment on the ballot should be reversed.

The amendment violates the Missouri Constitution, the lawsuit argues, because it illegally includes more than one subject. It also fails to specify the laws and constitutional provisions that would be repealed if it were approved by voters, the lawsuit argues.

In a joint statement released to the media, the plaintiffs said Amendment 3 is a “direct threat to the lives of Missouri women by erasing the will of voters who chose to protect the safety of women and the child by electing strong pro-life leaders.”

Rachel Sweet, campaign manager for Missourians for Constitutional Freedom, which is supporting Amendment 3, called Thursday’s lawsuit “yet another baseless and desperate attempt from politicians to silence Missouri voters and prevent them from being heard. We will not let that happen.”

Sweet said she is confident the courts will “see through this thinly veiled effort to block Missouri voters and dismiss it swiftly.”

Missouri was the first state to ban abortion after the 2022 U.S. Supreme Court ruling overturning the constitutional right to the procedure. Since then, abortion has been virtually illegal, with limited exceptions only in cases of medical emergencies. There are no exceptions for survivors of rape or incest.

If approved by voters, Amendment 3 would legalize abortion up until the point of fetal viability, an undefined period of time generally seen as the point in which the fetus could survive outside the womb on its own, generally around 24 weeks, according to the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists.

Such an amendment would return Missouri to the standard of the 1973 Roe v. Wade decision, which also legalized abortion up to the point of fetal viability. Missouri’s amendment also includes exceptions after viability “to protect the life or physical or mental health of the pregnant person.”

Missouri’s amendment also states that women and those performing or assisting in abortions cannot be prosecuted. Under current Missouri law, doctors who perform abortions deemed unnecessary can be charged with a class B felony and face up to 15 years in prison. Their medical license can also be suspended or revoked.

The lawsuit filed Thursday argues that Amendment 3 illegally includes more than one subject, in part because of its use of the phrase “fundamental right to reproductive freedom.”

The lawsuit argues this phrase is “unlimited in scope” and is “systematically neutralizing all laws, existing or future, that attempt to limit this new, limitless ‘right to reproductive freedom.’” It lays out numerous restrictions on abortion and other laws that could be repealed by Amendment 3 if it were approved by voters, including restrictions on when abortions can be performed and bans on certain stem cell research.

This story was updated at 2:35 p.m. with a comment from Missourians for Constitutional Freedom and at 3:11 p.m. to correct the spelling of Kathy Forck’s name.

Missouri Independent is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Missouri Independent maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Jason Hancock for questions: info@missouriindependent.com. Follow Missouri Independent on Facebook and X.

Wesley Bell defeats Cori Bush in Democratic primary for St. Louis seat in Congress

St. Louis County Prosecutor Wesley Bell defeated U.S. Rep. Cori Bush in the Democratic primary for the 1st District Congressional seat on Tuesday, capping a showdown between the highest profile political figures to emerge from the Ferguson uprising 10 years ago.

The Associated Press called the at 10 p.m. with Bell holding 51% of the vote, Bush at 46% and former state Sen. Maria Chappelle-Nadal at 3%.

“I am deeply honored and humbled by the trust the people of this district have placed in me,” Bell said. “This victory belongs to every volunteer, every supporter, and every voter who believes in our vision for a better future.”

Bell shocked the Missouri political establishment in 2018 by defeating a seven-term incumbent to become St. Louis County prosecutor. Yet his win Tuesday was considered a victory for the political establishment, who have long been disenchanted with Bush.

Bush lost her initial run for Congress in 2018, then rebounded two years later to defeat 10-term incumbent William Lacy Clay in the heavily Democratic district.

She easily won re-election in 2022, defeating state Sen. Steve Roberts by more than 30 percentage points in the Democratic primary. During her time in Congress, she has been a high-profile member of a group of progressive Democrats nicknamed “The Squad.”

But it was her comments following Hamas’ Oct. 7 attack on Israel that drew Bell into the race and laid the groundwork for his victory. She condemned the attack but called for an end to “Israeli military occupation and apartheid.”

That earned her opposition from groups like the United Democracy Project, the political arm of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, which dominated the airwaves in the district with millions of dollars worth of ads praising Bell and attacking Bush.

Bell’s election in 2018 as the first Black prosecutor in St. Louis County’s history was part of a wave of progressive wins in prosecutor races around the country seeking to address racial disparities in the criminal justice system.

Before that, Bell worked as a public defender and served as a member of the Ferguson City Council.

The 1st Congressional District includes all of the City of St. Louis and North St. Louis County, along with pieces of the central corridor such as Clayton and Webster Groves.

Missouri Independent is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Missouri Independent maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Jason Hancock for questions: info@missouriindependent.com. Follow Missouri Independent on Facebook and X.

Missouri Supreme Court halts release of Christopher Dunn after conviction was overturned

The Missouri Supreme Court on Wednesday blocked the release of Christopher Dunn, days after a St. Louis judge ruled he has been wrongfully incarcerated for 33 years.

The one-page order came at the request of Missouri Attorney General Andrew Bailey.

On Monday, St. Louis Circuit Judge Jason Sengheiser ruled Dunn was wrongfully convicted of murder and assault in 1991 and should be immediately released, finding that “in light of the new evidence, no juror, acting reasonably, would have voted to find Dunn guilty of these crimes beyond a reasonable doubt.”

Dunn was convicted largely on the testimony of two boys, aged 12 and 14, who later recanted, saying they were coerced by police and prosecutors.

But instead of being released, prison officials agreed to keep Dunn in prison at the request of Bailey.

Sengheiser said Bailey overstepped his authority and was ready to hold him in contempt if Dunn was not released.

Bailey continued to try to block Dunn’s release, falling short with the Missouri Court of Appeals before getting an order keeping Dunn behind bars Wednesday evening.

“Two courts have now found that no juror would convict Mr. Dunn after reviewing the credible evidence of his innocence,” Midwest Innocence Project, which is representing Dunn, said in a statement to the media. “And yet, with no remaining conviction, an innocent person remains behind bars. That is not justice. We will continue to pursue every avenue to secure Mr. Dunn’s freedom.”

Missouri Independent is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Missouri Independent maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Jason Hancock for questions: info@missouriindependent.com. Follow Missouri Independent on Facebook and X.

Police orgs denounce ad accusing Missouri AG of going ‘easy on a violent career felon’

A new ad targeting Missouri Attorney General Andrew Bailey from a group backing his rival in the GOP primary places the blame for the shooting death of a police officer last year on Bailey’s tenure as a local prosecutor.

To deliver the message, the Defend Missouri PAC enlisted Ray County Sheriff Scott Childers, who Bailey is seeking to oust from office on allegations he allowed prisoners to leave jail and smuggle in drugs and alcohol on their return.

The ad garnered a sharp rebuke Friday from a pair of law enforcement organizations, who said it was exploitative of the officer’s death.

At the heart of the issue is Bailey’s time working in the Warren County prosecutor’s office, where in the fall of 2017 he filed criminal charges against a man named Kenneth Lee Simpson.

Simpson was no stranger to local law enforcement, having spent the better part of the previous decade in and out of jail on myriad felony and misdemeanor charges.

He pleaded guilty to two misdemeanor charges filed by Bailey, with a different assistant prosecutor handling the case in 2018 when Simpson received six month sentences for fourth-degree assault and unlawful possession of a weapon.

Nearly seven years later, Bailey is Missouri’s attorney general and once again prosecuting Simpson. This time, it’s for the shooting death of Hermann Police Det. Sgt. Mason Griffith, who was killed last year while trying to arrest Simpson for outstanding warrants outside of a Casey’s General Store.

Another officer was injured in the shooting.

The 30-second TV ad launched this week by Defend Missouri — a PAC formed to support the man challenging Bailey in the Aug. 6 primary, Will Scharf — focuses on those misdemeanor charges from 2017 and accuses Bailey of going easy on a “violent career felon.”

“The same felon Bailey slapped on the wrist allegedly used that wrist to shoot two cops,” Childers says in the ad.

The Missouri Fraternal Order of Police and the Law Enforcement Legislative Coalition denounced the ad in similar statements released to the media on Friday, arguing it politicizes Griffith’s death and jeopardizes Bailey’s prosecution of Simpson.

“The ad demonstrates a complete and utter disregard for Dt. Sgt. Griffith’s family, including his wife and two young sons,” the FOP, which endorsed Bailey last year, said in its statement. “They have been through enough pain and trauma over the past year and should not be subjected to images of their loved one’s murderer on television.”

Both groups are calling for the ad to be taken off the air and for Scharf to apologize.

Scharf, who is prohibited from coordinating with Defend Missouri on messaging or strategy, declined comment Friday afternoon. Kristen Sanocki, president of Defend Missouri, did not respond to a request for comment.

Bailey’s campaign called the ad a “last-ditch attempt to score cheap political points” that “demonstrates a complete disregard for the victims.”

“If Will Scharf truly supports law enforcement, he would demand the ad be taken down immediately and issue a personal apology to the families traumatized by these events,” said Michael Hafner, a spokesman for Bailey’s campaign.

Long criminal history

Missouri’s online court records system shows Simpson has faced criminal charges at least 20 times since 2004, when he turned 17.

That year, Simpson faced 11 felonies after he drove a truck down while a friend shot a BB gun at car windows, according to the St. Louis Post-Dispatch. He received probation that was revoked months later when he shot out the window of Lincoln County Sheriff’s deputy’s vehicle as it drove down the highway.

After Simpson’s 2023 arrest, the Post-Dispatch interviewed his neighbors, who were not surprised to find out about his involvement in the Hermann shooting. One told the newspaper: “He’s always had problems. That officer should not be dead.”

Kelly King, who served as Warren County prosecuting attorney starting in 2014, told the Post-Dispatch last year that Simpson even threatened to blow up her car.

King now serves as deputy attorney general under Bailey, overseeing the day-to-day management of the office and serving as senior advisor.

After his 2023 arrest, Simpson told the police he was on the run for several warrants. When officers arrived at the Casey’s, Simpson said he believed he was going to die and decided to commit “suicide by cop,” according to the probable cause statement filed after his arrest.

Simpson said he didn’t originally intend to kill anyone but himself.

Ray County Sheriff

The anti-Bailey ad, which is airing on television around the state and was pushed out Friday evening through text message by Defend Missouri, is narrated by Childers.

In March, Bailey filed a lawsuit seeking to remove Childers from office, alleging he unlawfully allowed prisoners to leave jail, perform work for friends and smuggle drugs, alcohol and other contraband into the jail.

Childers is on paid administrative leave while the suit works through the courts. He has denied any wrongdoing, alleging in a court filing last month that Bailey’s efforts to oust him are retaliation for Childers threatening to go to the media with accusations the attorney general refused to take action on a sexual assault case.

There’s no mention of Childers’ legal tussle with Bailey in the ad, though he opens it by saying, “as Ray County sheriff, I worked with Andrew Bailey. I can tell you he’s no friend of law enforcement.”

Missouri Independent is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Missouri Independent maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Jason Hancock for questions: info@missouriindependent.com. Follow Missouri Independent on Facebook and X.

‘Stinks quite a bit’: MO governor accused of illegally using office to meddle in primaries

When he appointed Andrew Bailey as attorney general in late 2022, Missouri Gov. Mike Parson vowed he’d have “the full resources of the governor of the State of Missouri” to ensure his success in the new job.

“On the political side,” Parson added, “I’ll do everything I can.”

During Bailey’s transition into office, Parson dispatched his top staffers to offer assistance. And after numerous high-profile staff departures from the attorney general’s office, two Parson aides — his deputy general counsel and deputy policy director — joined Bailey’s team.

By September, the governor’s office turned its attention to a national political organization that Parson felt wasn’t properly supporting Bailey’s campaign for a full term.

In a letter to the executive committee of the Republican Attorneys General Association — written on official letterhead from the governor’s office — Parson chastised the organization for how it was treating Bailey.

He complained that a member of the organization’s staff was trying to “perpetuate the impression RAGA will not support Attorney General Bailey,” and took umbrage with the staffer making what Parson called a “petty statement” in a Politico article, which was attached to the letter.

“RAGA not supporting one of their own is quite unprecedented and deeply concerning,” Parson wrote in the letter to 10 attorneys general on RAGA’s executive committee and obtained by The Independent through a public records request.

He asked if RAGA leadership knew about these behind-the-scenes machinations, then hinted at the possibility that they could hurt support for a pair of attorneys general running for governor last year — David Cameron in Kentucky and Jeff Landry in Louisiana.

“I think this is important for my fellow governors to know, as we are being asked to support a number of your colleagues as well,” Parson wrote.

The governor’s office did not respond to several requests for comment. Bailey’s campaign said that while he was alerted to the letter’s existence by another attorney general, he remains unaware of its contents.

Yet Parson’s decision to use his office to pressure RAGA to support Bailey is drawing accusations that the governor may have violated a state law prohibiting the misuse of public resources for campaign purposes.

“That letter is an example of the governor using official taxpayer resources to advance a campaign agenda,” said Will Scharf, who is running against Bailey in the Republican attorney general primary. “It is egregious and potentially illegal.”

It appears Parson used official letterhead “to convey that the Office of the Governor is behind a certain political candidate,” said Delaney Marsco, senior legal counsel for the Washington, D.C.-based Campaign Legal Center. “That’s not appropriate, and it’s not a good use of the public’s trust.”

Donald Sherman, senior vice president and chief counsel for the liberal watchdog Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington, said the governor’s letter “stinks quite a bit.”

“Governors and other state officials should not use official taxpayer resources and the authority of their government offices for partisan politics,” he said.

The criticism echoes similar complaints last year when Parson’s department of labor spent $100,000 for a television advertisement that featured Bailey. And it comes after two GOP candidates for governor — state Sen. Bill Eigel and Secretary of State Jay Ashcroft — publicly alleged Parson was using his office to boost the gubernatorial prospects of Lt. Gov. Mike Kehoe with a press conference and executive order earlier this month pertaining to foreign ownership of Missouri land.

Parson, who can’t run again because of term limits, appointed Kehoe lieutenant governor in 2018. Kehoe appeared at the press conference but did not participate.

Eigel called the press conference an “in-kind contribution from Mike Parson’s government office” to Kehoe’s campaign, and Ashcroft’s campaign spokesman alleged the “stunt was designed to protect Kehoe from his record.”

Kehoe was asked to participate, Parson said during the press conference, because there was a chance the governor would not be able to attend due to the recent passing of his mother-in-law. A spokesperson for the lieutenant governor’s office said Kehoe was involved in the discussions of the executive order because of “his agriculture background and relationships with agriculture stakeholders across the state.”

Supporting an incumbent?

The Republican Attorneys General Association has not endorsed in Missouri’s GOP primary, but its executive director — Peter Bisbee — donated $250 to Scharf’s campaign.

Politico reported in August that Scharf’s campaign was touting in a memo that “we do not expect RAGA to offer Bailey any support despite his status as a technical incumbent, a testament to the expected weakness of Bailey as a candidate and the expected strength of Scharf’s challenge.”

Scharf, a former assistant U.S. attorney who served as policy director for former Gov. Eric Greitens, also received a $500,000 campaign contribution last year from The Concord Fund, which is funded by groups connected to longtime conservative legal activist and Scharf supporter Leonard Leo.

The Concord Fund is by far the top contributor to the Republican Attorneys General Association.

According to Politico, Bisbee lobbied Parson’s office to appoint Scharf attorney general in 2022, allegedly warning that appointing someone else “is gonna create problems” for the governor’s office.

The position was being vacated by Eric Schmitt, who won a seat in the U.S. Senate and had long enjoyed support from RAGA. Schmitt previously served as vice chairman of RAGA’s executive committee, and he endorsed Bailey last month while also stating that Scharf is a “personal friend” and “an excellent candidate to hold the office.”

It was the Politico article that appears to have inspired Parson’s letter.

The story quoted Bisbee telling the governor’s office to “ spend less time fueling childish gossip.”

Parson complained about the quote in his letter, and argued Bailey was being treated differently by RAGA than Schmitt despite both being appointed by Parson to the job. And he accused Bisbee of creating confusion “around the organization’s support for an opponent.”

Bisbee did not respond to requests for comment from The Independent.

Michael Hafner, Bailey’s campaign spokesperson, said the attorney general has a strong relationship with RAGA, “partnering with his fellow RAGA members on at least 159 issues, demonstrating his strong commitment to our shared conservative values.”

“General Bailey is proud,” Hafner said, “to join his Republican colleagues around the country to take Joe Biden to court, defend Missourians from the left’s attacks on our freedoms, and is proud to lead the charge nationally on many of the conservative legal movement’s most important fights.”

He accused Scharf of trying to “score cheap political points” by criticizing Parson’s letter.

Concerns about the use of official resources for campaigns have come up sporadically over the years in Missouri. And two of the highest profile examples involve attorneys general.

In 1993, former Attorney General Bill Webster pleaded guilty to two federal felony charges related to using his state staff and office equipment for political purposes. Employees in Webster’s office laid out and printed campaign material on state time using state equipment.

In 2018, former Attorney General Josh Hawley was investigated by the secretary of state’s office and auditor’s office after it was revealed his campaign consultants helped run his taxpayer-funded office, including leading meetings during work hours in the state Supreme Court building in Jefferson City, where the attorney general’s office is located. Hawley also used a state car for campaign travel.

The secretary of state found no evidence Hawley violated election law. The auditor concluded that Hawley may have misused state resources, but whether he ultimately broke the law was unclear because the attorney general’s office conducted business off government servers through use of private email and text messaging.

Missouri Independent is part of States Newsroom, a network of news bureaus supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Missouri Independent maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Jason Hancock for questions: info@missouriindependent.com. Follow Missouri Independent on Facebook and Twitter.

Giuliani lawyer points finger at right-wing website in defamation trial

Former New York Mayor Rudy Giuliani’s attorney on Thursday tried to distance his client from the violent threats faced by Georgia election workers he falsely accused of fraud, arguing St. Louis-based Gateway Pundit was more responsible.

During his closing arguments in the defamation lawsuit against Giuliani, attorney Joseph Sibley tried to convince a Washington, D.C, jury that Giuliani was a minor player in the unfounded election fraud allegations that led to an avalanche of threats against Ruby Freeman and Wandrea “Shaye” Moss.

Others deserve more blame, Sibley contends, specifically pointing to the right-wing website Gateway Pundit over its publication of security camera footage that linked Freeman and Moss to the unfounded allegations of election fraud touted by Giuliani and former President Donald Trump’s campaign.

Sibley argued that Gateway Pundit was “patient zero” in spreading the conspiracy theory.

“More likely than not,” Sibley told the jury, “this is the party that sort of doxed these women.”

Giuliani had already been found to have defamed Freeman and Moss, so Sibley was trying to convince the jury not to award a massive judgement. But his arguments seem to have fallen on deaf ears, as the jury returned Friday and ordered Giuliani to pay more than $148 million in damages for destroying Freeman and Moss’ reputations and causing them extreme emotional distress.

False fraud claims a focus of Rudy Giuliani’s 2020 Missouri testimony, St. Louis defamation suit

The saga is being closely watched in Missouri, where Moss and Freeman are also suing Gateway Pundit in St. Louis Circuit Court for defamation and emotional distress.

Founded by brothers Jim and Joe Hoft, Gateway Pundit was among the first to identify Freeman as one of the election workers accused by Trump and his allies of ballot fraud in Georgia.

“What’s Up, Ruby,” the site’s headline read in early December. “BREAKING: Crooked Operative Filmed Pulling Out Suitcases of Ballots in Georgia IS IDENTIFIED.”

Gateway Pundit would go on to publish a litany of stories about Freeman and Moss, with headlines like: “WHERE’S BILL BARR? — We Got Your Voter Fraud AG Barr — It’s On Video and They Attempted to Steal Georgia with It! — HOW ABOUT A FEW ARRESTS?”

“It’s turned my life upside down,” Moss testified last year to the House committee investigating the Jan. 6 attack on the U.S. Capitol.

In the nearly two decades since its founding, The Gateway Pundit has become a major player in the far-right media ecosystem, using its influence to spread debunked conspiracies on a wide range of topics — from the 2018 Parkland school shooting to former President Barack Obama’s birth certificate.

The Hofts are represented by the Las Vegas law firm of Marc Randazza, who in the past has represented numerous far-right figures, including Alex Jones of InfoWars and Andrew Anglin of the neo-Nazi website the Daily Stormer.

Asked by email Friday morning about the statements by Giuliani’s attorney, Randazza shared facts about domesticated vegetables in Mesoamerica.

The Hofts have argued that any stories published by the Gateway Pundit regarding Freeman and Moss were “either statements of opinion based on disclosed facts or statements of rhetorical hyperbole that no reasonable reader is likely to interpret as a literal statement of fact.”

Rhetorical hyperbole, the Hofts argue, “cannot form the basis of defamation and related tort claims.”

A legal standard set in a 1964 U.S. Supreme Court decision states that public officials must establish actual malice — or reckless disregard of the truth — before recovering defamation damages. In this case, the Hofts say the plaintiffs are “limited purpose public figures,” and must prove actual malice to claim defamation.

The Giuliani defamation case has another tie to Missouri.

Weeks after Trump lost his bid for a second term, Giuliani was allowed to testify via Zoom to a Missouri House committee, where he touted disproven claims about hacked voting machines and phony mail-in ballots.

Specifically, he told lawmakers that Georgia election officials had surreptitiously counted illegal ballots in order to steal the presidency for Joe Biden, pointing to the video published by Gateway Pundit that he falsely insisted “shows demonstrably the theft of about 40,000 ballots right in front of your eyes.”

Three years after his virtual testimony in Missouri, Giuliani conceded in a carefully worded court filing that his assertions about Georgia election workers committing fraud during the 2020 presidential race were false.

Thanks to the false fraud claims by Giuliani and others, Freeman and Moss were inundated with threats, many tinged with racist language. Freeman told the jury this week that she was bombarded with phone calls, messages and letters accusing and was ultimately forced to flee her home for two months for her own safety.

Missouri Independent is part of States Newsroom, a network of news bureaus supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Missouri Independent maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Jason Hancock for questions: info@missouriindependent.com. Follow Missouri Independent on Facebook and Twitter.

Embattled Missouri House speaker lashes out at GOP detractors as new critics emerge

House Speaker Dean Plocher took to social media on Tuesday to hit back at Republicans criticizing him over revelations he repeatedly charged the state for travel that was already paid for by his campaign.

But as Plocher took aim his detractors, he continued to draw fire himself — including a possible new opponent in the 2024 race for lieutenant governor.

The Independent reported Monday that on at least nine occasions since 2018, Plocher spent campaign money on conference registration, airfare, hotels and other travel expenses, and then sought reimbursement from the legislature.

In each instance, Plocher was required to sign a sworn statement declaring that the payments were made with “personal funds, for which I have not been reimbursed.”

Plocher, a Republican from Des Peres who last week announced he was running for lieutenant governor, chalked up the situation to “administrative errors,” vowing to review all of his expenses and reimburse any money he was wrongly paid over the years.

He began writing checks to the House last week, and has thus far paid back nearly $4,000.

But even as he tried to move past the controversy by declaring the “sideshows and political spectacle must end so we can get back to doing the important work Missourians expect of us,” Plocher began lashing out at GOP officials who criticized his conduct.

Missouri Republicans call for investigation of Dean Plocher, raise idea of resignation

Secretary of State Jay Ashcroft, the GOP frontrunner for Missouri governor next year, posted on social media that the legislature should investigate the matter, and if the allegations of wrongdoing are confirmed, “take action to protect the integrity of the House of Representatives and the people’s money.”

Plocher responded by recycling an attack against Ashcroft from the 2016 GOP primary, asking Ashcroft on social media whether he will “pay back taxpayers the tens of thousands of dollars you owe them after dropping out of the Merchant Marine Academy.”

“Last I checked all dropouts have to pay back the people’s money,” he wrote, adding: “Jay, don’t throw rocks when you live in a glasshouse.”

Ashcroft attended the United States Merchant Marine Academy but did not graduate.

A spokesman for Ashcroft’s gubernatorial campaign said in an email to The Independent that it is “unfortunate that the speaker, caught with his hand in the cookie jar, is falsely lashing out at those who believe we have an obligation to protect, not abuse, taxpayer money.”

Plocher also went after Will Scharf, a GOP candidate for attorney general, who said the speaker “owes Missouri taxpayers an explanation, and if he can’t provide one he should resign.”

In response, Plocher criticized Scharf over the use of a self-destructing text-messaging app by staff of former Gov. Eric Greitens.

Scharf served as Greitens’ policy director, and nearly every member of the former governor’s team was using the app — a move seen by transparency advocates as an attempt to circumvent Missouri’s open records laws.

Because of his use of the app, called Confide, Scharf is “the last person to talk about government transparency,” Plocher wrote.

“Will, it’s time you provide an explanation or resign from your race,” Plocher said.

Scharf quickly responded, writing: “I hope the investigation into your ethics issues is as thorough as (former Attorney General Josh) Hawley’s was into the use of Confide. Hawley found that I hadn’t done anything wrong.”

The back-and-forth continued with Plocher posting critical news articles about Hawley’s Confide investigation being too lax.

Records show Dean Plocher charged the state for travel already paid for by his campaign

As Plocher went after critics, more seemed to emerge. And one began making moves to join Plocher in the GOP primary for lieutenant governor.

Former state Sen. Bob Onder of Lake St. Louis changed his campaign committee in August to signal a run for lieutenant governor and gave himself $500,000 on Tuesday to kick start a potential candidacy. He told the St. Louis Post-Dispatch it was “highly likely” he would run.

If he enters the race, he would join Plocher, state Sen. Holly Thompson Rehder, Franklin County Clerk Tim Baker and St. Louis County resident Paul Berry III in the GOP primary.

In a post on social media, Onder also took aim at Plocher’s false expense reports.

“This looks and smells like embezzlement,” Onder wrote. “It’s documented, happened (nine) times over years, and he only reimbursed after being caught. Plocher is the swamp and should resign.”

Plocher was already facing scrutiny over his push to convince the House to spend $800,000 to hire a private company to manage constituent information. Nonpartisan staff accused Plocher of illegal and unethical conduct in pursuit of the contract, including threatening the employment of the chief clerk.

In the fallout from the controversy, Plocher fired his chief of staff.

The Missouri House Ethics Committee is scheduled to meet Friday morning, and it is widely expected that Plocher will be the focus of the closed-door hearing.

House Majority Leader Jon Patterson, a Lee’s Summit Republican who is next in line to be speaker after Plocher, told The Kansas City Star that the House has a “bipartisan process in place to review these matters and ensure that Missourians can have confidence in the integrity of the General Assembly.”

“Upon the conclusion of their work,” Patterson said, “we will review and act upon their recommendations just as we have previously with similar matters.”

Missouri Independent is part of States Newsroom, a network of news bureaus supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Missouri Independent maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Jason Hancock for questions: info@missouriindependent.com. Follow Missouri Independent on Facebook and Twitter.

'Unlawful': Missouri's top House Republican lawmaker draws FBI scrutiny

The top Republican in the Missouri House is facing allegations he threatened to terminate the employment of a nonpartisan legislative staffer who resisted his monthslong push to hire a private company to manage constituent information.

House Speaker Dean Plocher vehemently denies the accusations, which were uncovered through public records obtained by The Independent under Missouri’s Sunshine Law.

But Dana Miller, chief clerk of the House since 2018 and a chamber staff member since 2001, wrote in an email to a GOP lawmaker last week about “threats made by Speaker Plocher concerning my future employment.”

She wrote that Plocher made statements to her “connecting this contract with campaign activity” — suggesting the speaker’s motivation was his 2024 campaign for lieutenant governor — and expressed that she had “growing concerns of unethical and perhaps unlawful conduct.”

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Miller wasn’t the only legislative staffer expressing concerns. In another message obtained through the Sunshine Law, a House employee complained that the pressure for the contract was “insanely inappropriate” and would lead to more bad behavior if Plocher got his way.

In a statement to The Independent, Plocher insists that every action he took while pushing for the House to consider contracting with a private company was “open and transparent in the interest of good government and delivering efficient services to Missourians.”

He added: “No one has asked, received, nor will receive, any special treatment in regard to software contracts or any contracts while I am speaker.”

In the short term, the issue is dead, as a legislative committee voted last week to stick with the free, in-house constituent management program already in use.

But the saga’s fallout is far from over, and has drawn attention from federal law enforcement, with an FBI agent attending the legislative hearing last week where the idea was discussed.

The FBI investigates public corruption, surveilling federal, state and local governments. A spokeswoman for the agency declined comment.

‘He really wants it’

Nine months ago, the House revamped the software legislative offices can use to contact constituents and assist them when they reach out to their representatives. The redesign came after a working group of legislative staff spent months developing new features in an effort to make it more user friendly.

A Washington, D.C.,-based company called Fireside promised to provide a web-based program to replace the system at a cost of nearly $400,000 a year.

The company, a subsidiary of the California-based FiscalNote, has contracted with more than 100 members of Congress — including half of Missouri’s delegation — along with state legislatures and local governments around the country.

Plocher began advocating for making the change in May, soon after the legislative session adjourned for the year.

Also working on Fireside’s behalf was Bardgett and Associates, an influential Jefferson City lobbying firm whose clients include some of the highest profile companies and civic organizations in the state — Anheuser-Busch, the St. Louis Cardinals, Republic Services and Evergy, among others.

Rep. Dale Wright, a Farmington Republican who became chair of the House Administration and Accounts Committee this year, said in an interview last week that the speaker approached him about making the switch to Fireside because “he felt like we needed a more robust constituent management program.”

And Plocher, Wright said, was very eager.

“He really wants it,” Wright said. “He felt strongly that this would be good for the House and good for the members.”

In his statement to The Independent, Plocher said “one of the House’s main priorities is to identify potential efficiencies and cost-savings in government to protect taxpayer resources.”

Wright said he approached Miller with the idea, and she was hesitant. She informed him the current system was only a few months old, Wright said, and despite being recently revamped was being used by only a fraction of the 163 legislative offices in the House.

But she agreed to attend a demonstration by Fireside in June, and soon after wrote a memo to Wright laying out possible concerns.

The Fireside program could lead to lawmakers exporting data to use for campaign activity, Miller wrote in her memo, and switching from the current program housed on an internal server to a web-based program could leave constituent information vulnerable to hacking.

But among her biggest concerns at the time was the cost for something the House was already providing for free.

“The base quote for the proposed Fireside application would exceed $775,000 for the minimum two-year contract,” Miller wrote. “Outside of the Xerox printing services contract, this service would be the second-most costly outsourced expense.”

Wright said he shared Miller’s concerns with Plocher.

“I explained to the speaker that she doesn’t work for me,” Wright said. “I can’t force her to do anything. And he said, ‘Well, she does work for me.’”

When he relayed the conversation to Miller, Wright said she may have taken Plocher’s response as a threat. But he insists he didn’t see it that way, and has never felt any inappropriate pressure from the speaker or the lobbyists involved in the Fireside contract.

“I never felt any threat,” he said. “I don’t think she was threatened.”

He said he also informed Plocher that despite his wishes, the contract could not move forward without a proper bidding process. And that moving forward quickly would be impossible without a supplemental budget appropriation.

“We’d have to do three bids,” Wright said. “We have to do that.”

‘The House isn’t for sale’

Over the course of the summer, records show staff were increasingly expressing concern about what was happening behind the scenes.

In early July, a handful of lawmakers began submitting nearly identical letters to Wright’s office advocating for the Fireside contract. A draft of the letter, obtained through the Sunshine Law, shows it was originally sent to the lawmakers by an employee of Bardgett and Associates.

“Two more letters. We’ve received five now… all pretty much the same form letter,” Danyale Bryant, legislative director for House administrations and accounts, wrote in an email to Wright.

Wright wrote back to Bryant to say that there was no need to respond, as “I’ve always felt generic form letters, in most cases, don’t necessarily deserve a response, plus we don’t have enough solid information/direction to share.”

On July 11, Miller reached out directly to Plocher in an email to him and his staff — explaining her resistance to the Fireside contract, voicing concern about the pressure to sign off on it and asking for his help putting an end to it.

“Bottom line, this program is cost prohibitive, redundant and it is an unnecessary expense,” Miller wrote, adding that Fireside lobbyists have been “aggressively promoting this program, to the point that it is giving me cause for concern. I would appreciate your assistance in ensuring that this unsolicited pressure ceases.”

There is no record of Plocher ever responding in writing. But Wright appears to have spoken with him soon after Miller’s message.

In a July 18 email with his staff, Wright said Plocher “told me he would be reaching out to Dana when he returns from his meeting/vacation in Hawaii.”

Wright’s own staff began expressing concern about the situation.

“There’s literally zero valid reason for us to sign off on this and the fact that they just keep trying to push you into it is insanely inappropriate,” Bryant, who has worked for the House since 2015, wrote in a July 25 message to Miller.

She later added: “The House isn’t for sale, and if we don’t stop it here there will be (hundreds) more lined up at the door to get in as well.”

In late July, Miller cited the ongoing lobbying effort in deciding to share her memo laying out concerns with the Fireside program to the other members of the administration and accounts committee.

Soon after, she shared the memo with all 163 members of the Missouri House.

“My staff and I have been receiving inquiries from members who have been contacted by lobbyists promoting efforts to outsource our current constituent management program to a third-party vendor,” Miller said in an Aug. 8 email explaining why she was sending the memo.

Holly Foster, a legislative assistant working for Republican Rep. Dave Griffith of Jefferson City, echoed some of Miller’s concerns, writing in a July 31 email that she worried about turning over constituent information to a private entity.

“We deal with many personal issues daily and that information should not be accessed by anyone outside of this building,” she wrote.

Several lawmakers responded, agreeing with Miller that there was no need for a change.

“My father always told me to, ‘Dance with those that brung you,’” wrote state Rep. Travis Smith, a Republican from Dora. “Meaning stick with what you’ve got when you started. Would not make sense to change at this time.”

‘Something doesn’t feel right about this’

Despite the pushback from legislative staff, Plocher pressed ahead, presenting the idea to his GOP colleagues at the party’s annual summer caucus in August and asking Wright to hold a public hearing to consider switching to Fireside when lawmakers convened for a veto session in September.

The day of the Sept. 12 hearing, Miller sent an email to Wright and his staff.

“As you are aware, we have been engaged in ongoing conversations regarding efforts to outsource House constituent management services,” she wrote. “Despite providing concrete facts to you, Speaker Plocher and the members, these efforts have continued.”

Miller wrote that she discussed her concerns with Wright on numerous occasions — both about the contract and the lobbying effort.

“Since May,” she wrote, “we have also had over a dozen phone conversations regarding this matter, so at this point you are absolutely aware of my continued concerns about this company, the lobbyists that represent it, as well as the involvement of Speaker Plocher and the growing concerns of unethical and perhaps unlawful conduct.”

In an email to The Independent, John Bardgett, president of Bardgett and Associates, decried the “shocking and false accusations” that “attack my, and my colleague’s, character and my firm’s reputation.”

“Threatening individuals is not a very effective advocacy tool and not one that is employed or tolerated at our firm,” Bardgett said.

Wright went forward with the hearing last week, and the idea of switching to Fireside faced pointed criticism from those who showed up to testify.

“Something doesn’t feel right about this,” said Jason Moore, an information technology worker from St. Louis County who traveled to Jefferson City to testify. “We should table this. Now is not the time.”

Bev Ehlen, a longtime conservative advocate, testified that she had real concerns about a private company having access to constituent data.

“It’s not a wise thing to be spending $800,000 on something that may subject our data to eyes outside of Missouri,” she said.

On a voice vote, the committee unanimously decided to stick with the in-house system for at least the next two years.

In a statement to The Independent, Miller stood by her actions in opposing the contract and voicing concerns about the lobbying effort.

“As an officer of the House of Representatives,” she said, “I take an oath to uphold the constitution, and this includes protecting the House as an institution. I take those responsibilities seriously.”

Missouri Independent is part of States Newsroom, a network of news bureaus supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Missouri Independent maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Jason Hancock for questions: info@missouriindependent.com. Follow Missouri Independent on Facebook and Twitter.

Dem leader launches campaign to become Missouri's first woman governor

The top Democrat in the Missouri House officially launched her campaign for governor early Sunday morning, taking direct aim at her likely GOP rivals while touting efforts to restore abortion rights and block foreign ownership of farmland.

State Rep. Crystal Quade, 37, is the first major Democratic candidate to enter the field to replace Gov. Mike Parson next year. In an introductory video announcing her campaign, she discussed being raised by a single mom and relying on food stamps before touting her record in the legislature.

“I committed myself to working for families like the one I grew up in,” she said. “Now I’m a leader in the state House, where I’ve stood up for workers against corporate special interests, sponsored a law to stop China and Russia from buying our farmland to squeeze out Missouri farmers and I’m leading the fight to restore our abortion rights.”

Quade is scheduled to kick off her campaign Monday in her hometown of Springfield.

She enters the race facing steep odds in an increasingly Republican-dominated state. Parson, who can’t run again due to term limits, defeated Democrat Nicole Galloway in 2020 by nearly 17 percentage points. And currently, no Democrats hold statewide office in Missouri.

Three major Republican candidates are already actively running for governor — Secretary of State Jay Ashcroft, Lt. Gov. Mike Kehoe and state Sen. Bill Eigel.

Quade took direct aim at Ashcroft in the video, saying the secretary of state “uses fear to score cheap political points and divide us.”

In the description of the campaign video, Quade contrasted her background with two of her potential opponents, noting that Ashcroft is the scion of a well-known political family and Kehoe became wealthy after purchasing a Ford dealership in Jefferson City.

“My daddy wasn’t a U.S. senator or governor,” Quade said. “I don’t own a car dealership, or a cattle farm. I’m a mom, a social worker and a leader who builds bridges to make change.”

Missouri Independent is part of States Newsroom, a network of news bureaus supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Missouri Independent maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Jason Hancock for questions: info@missouriindependent.com. Follow Missouri Independent on Facebook and Twitter.