Texas GOP congressional candidate Zeke Enriquez bet on the outcome of his own election on Kalshi, the prediction market said in a press release Wednesday, marking the latest sign of the industry’s newfound prevalence in the state’s politics.

Enriquez, who finished 11th in the Republican primary for Texas’ 21st Congressional District with 1.4% of the vote, traded less than $100 worth of contracts related to his own candidacy, according to Kalshi regulatory documents. Kalshi fined Enriquez $784 and suspended him from the platform for five years after a “full investigation” with which Enriquez was “fully cooperative,” the company said.

Two other political candidates, in Minnesota and Virginia, were also caught trading on their own elections and suspended from the platform, Kalshi said.

Prediction markets like Kalshi and Polymarket have faced growing scrutiny in recent months, with lawmakers and others raising concerns about insider trading and fears that the exploding industry could undermine the integrity of U.S. elections with the 2026 midterms underway. The suspensions and fines mark one of the most robust enforcement actions taken yet by a prediction market platform against political candidates, according to CNN.

A Kalshi spokesperson said the platform referred Enriquez's case to the CFTC. It did not refer his case to any state agencies, according to the spokesperson, who said it wasn’t required.

Prediction markets have expanded in Texas through a federal loophole, even as traditional sports betting and casinos remain outlawed in the state. Ahead of next year’s legislative session, Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick instructed Texas state senators to “study the sudden inundation of prediction market gambling” and “make recommendations to ensure the integrity of Texas elections and Texas sports.”

Prediction sites allow users to bet on almost any subject, from sports and elections to entertainment and the economy. The platforms are regulated by the federal Commodity Futures Trading Commission. While the Biden administration sought to prohibit election-related prediction markets, the agency under the Trump administration withdrew that proposal earlier this year.

Kalshi has sought to convince regulators and lawmakers that it is a responsible operator, publicizing the three cases Wednesday and last month announcing it would preemptively block political candidates from trading on their elections, along with barring athletes and coaches from betting on their own sports outcomes.

“Cases like these demonstrate Kalshi’s commitment to policing all types of unfair or improper trading on our platform,” Bobby DeNault, Kalshi’s head of enforcement, said in the statement announcing the suspensions Wednesday. “Regardless of the size of a trade, political candidates who can influence a market based on whether they stay in or out of a race violate our rules. No matter how small the size of the trade, any trade that is found to have violated our exchange rules will be punished.”

Thirty six Texas Democrats — including a congressional candidate, a former Texas House member and former party staffers — are urging Kendall Scudder to forgo reelection as chair of the Texas Democratic Party, citing operational failures and a “hostile work environment” fostered by his leadership over the past year.

“We have seen a Texas Democratic Party that makes bold promises to voters and candidates, yet cannot answer basic questions about strategy,” reads the open letter, which continues to garner signatures. “A Party that speaks of urgency but fails to act on it. A Party that asks for trust and money it has not earned.”

With “urgency and deep frustration,” the signers called on Scudder to step aside.

“Mr. Scudder, the Texas Democratic Party cannot afford another four years of operational failure,” the letter says.

The letter, signed by a substantial contingent of party insiders, reflects a persistent level of discontent among Texas Democrats after changes made by Scudder, including decentralizing the party’s base from Austin and overhauling staff positions, threw the party into a state of upheaval last fall.

Among the signers of the letter are the Rev. Frederick Haynes III, the likely successor to U.S. Rep. Jasmine Crockett in Texas’ 30th Congressional District, and former state Rep. Mark Stiles, who represented East Texas from 1983-99. Eleven former staffers were identified only by their vacated TDP position and one signed as a House “political professional” for fear of professional or legal repercussions. The Texas Tribune verified the identities of the former staffers.

The open letter comes as Democrats look to November as a prime opportunity to make major gains all over the ballot, with massive turnout in last month’s primary election and favorable political tailwinds nationwide boosting Democratic energy and optimism.

Scudder did not provide an on-the-record statement in response to requests from the Tribune. He did not respond to two text messages and a call Friday seeking comment.

Some Texas Democrats defended Scudder’s leadership, calling him accessible and pointing to positive developments, including a wider party presence across the state and paying off a $500,000 party debt that he inherited.

“The primary speaks for itself,” said Angel Viator Smith, chair of the TDP’s Finance Committee, pointing to Democratic turnout exceeding Republican turnout.

Scudder was elected chair by the party’s governing board in March 2025 after the previous leader, Gilberto Hinojosa, resigned following Democrats’ blowout losses in 2024. Texas Democrats will select a chair for a four-year term at the party’s convention in June. The deadline for candidates to file to run is April 24. Scudder has not yet filed for reelection.

The letter covers a range of concerns with Scudder's leadership, arguing the TDP failed to maintain an up-to-date voter file that supports campaign outreach and didn't properly prepare Democratic voters in two counties for the loss of countywide voting locations on primary election day last month.

Hundreds of voters were turned away from the polls March 3 in Dallas and Williamson counties, unaware that the county Republican parties months prior had forced a switch to precinct-based voting for both Republican and Democratic voters.

Despite knowing about the change for months, the letter reads, the TDP failed to adequately prepare voters and instead “forced our Party into reactive damage control.”

“This is not responsible stewardship of our Party. It is mismanagement with consequences that will be felt well beyond a single election cycle,” the letter reads. “Texas Democrats deserve a leader that anticipates threats, prepares exhaustively and executes on program. Your leadership has not met that standard.”

Dallas County Democratic Party Chair Kardal Coleman said it was hard to predict how chaotic the switch to precinct-level voting would be. The county and state Democratic parties, he said, worked together before election day to game out what the change would look like, and on the March 3 primary to help voters find their assigned polling sites. Coleman added that the county party had successfully lobbied the Dallas County Commissioners Court to spend $1 million on a campaign to educate voters about the change.

Coleman said he thought Scudder was “working around the clock,” and that he had not seen a party chair who had “put in as many hours to be one, accessible, but also responsive to the needs of the state.”

“He’s been an amazing surrogate for the issues and the platform that our party wants to put forward,” Coleman said.

In a statement after seeing the full letter and signers, Coleman said that “the sentiments of the letter should not be dismissed. Coordination and election preparedness are foundational. We owe that to our voters.”

The letter also highlighted the state party’s failure to maintain an up-to-date voter file, which campaigns rely on to shape voter outreach. The letter cited “little evidence of sustained public pressure on the Texas Secretary of State or proactive collaboration with Democratic counties” to ensure accurate voter data and precinct maps.

In an interview last month, TDP Executive Director Terri Burke said the party’s voter file was out of date because the Texas secretary of state’s office had provided incomplete voter lists. The party met with the agency to address problems it saw in the data, but “most of this is totally outside our control,” she said.

Ethan Lipka, the party’s former data director who left in early February, added county election administrators across the state had faced problems uploading data to the secretary of state.

“There’s a lot to criticize the TDP over, but I think this is a really clear case where the SOS failed,” he told the Tribune.

The letter also described “concerning employer practices that stand in direct violation of our Party's values,” claiming former staffers spoke of “being exposed to racism and a hostile work environment, which stripped away core responsibilities from staffers, deliberate misreporting of debt and being forced out and replaced by consultants.”

“Party leadership has demonstrated a willingness to consolidate power at all costs, actively working to exclude or replace those who offer alternative approaches,” the letter reads.

Viator Smith, the party’s finance committee chair, argued that the letter’s concerns would not be solved by a change in leadership.

“The fact of the matter is that Kendall has been across the entire state, energizing the base across the entire state,” she said. “With the momentum that is being built, the positive reaction to decentralization and the massive primary turnout — I don't understand why we wouldn’t continue with this leadership.”

Renzo Downey contributed reporting.

Disclosure: Texas secretary of state has been a financial supporter of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribune's journalism. Find a complete list of them here.

This article first appeared on The Texas Tribune.

Texas Railroad Commissioner Wayne Christian is peddling a new crypto token tied to the value of a barrel of West Texas Intermediate crude oil, raising concerns about potential conflicts of interest given his position as an elected official to the state agency that oversees the oil and gas industry in Texas — and whose regulatory decisions could impact the value of the token.

Christian, a Republican and one of three members of the Railroad Commission, is listed as a member of the board of directors and chair of the advisory board of Energy Substantiation, the company launching the West Texas Intermediate Coin, or $WTIC, according to materials obtained by The Texas Tribune that the company shared with prospective investors as recently as October.

Christian pitched prospective investors on $WTIC ahead of the coin’s public launch later this year, according to an email from Christian that also was obtained by the Tribune.

“We are now inviting a limited group of early participants to learn more and consider getting involved at the founding stage,” Christian, who also works as a financial advisor, wrote in the email. “After more than 40 years as a financial advisor, I’ve learned that the biggest opportunities are often those recognized early. I believe this one is worth serious consideration.”

Government watchdogs said Christian’s involvement in the company — especially if he trades in the coin or maintains a financial stake in Energy Substantiation — gives rise to potential conflicts of interest between his duties as a regulator and his personal business and financial interests.

“Regardless of how the commissioners’ financial interests might influence their decision-making, the potential for a conflict of interests remains,” said Virginia Palacios, executive director of Commission Shift, a nonpartisan organization focused on reforming the Railroad Commission. “Texans deserve elected officials free of potential biases, especially when financial interests are obvious.”

In a statement, Christian defended his involvement in the company, calling it “separate” from his work at the Railroad Commission and carried out in his personal time and without the use of state resources.

“The Commission does not regulate cryptocurrency or oil markets, so there is no overlap with my regulatory responsibilities,” Christian said. “Any suggestion otherwise stems solely from the fact that the concept is related to energy.”

Christian declined to answer a question from the Tribune about how he would ensure that his business interests remain separate from his government responsibilities. He also declined to answer questions about whether he owns or plans to trade $WTIC tokens, if he has a financial stake in Energy Substantiation and whether he’s paid to advise the company. His personal financial disclosure statement, which may answer some of those questions, is due to the Texas Ethics Commission on April 30.

An Energy Substantiation spokesperson said the company invited Christian’s involvement “because of his extensive knowledge of the energy sector,” adding that his role was “advisory in nature.” The spokesperson declined to share whether Energy Substantiation pays Christian in any way, calling compensation arrangements with advisors “private company matters.”

“As with any company operating in an emerging space, we have assembled advisors and board members with deep expertise in energy markets, public policy and commodity finance,” the spokesperson said. “We take regulatory compliance seriously and structure all of our relationships, including those with advisors and board members, to comply with applicable law.”

The Railroad Commission oversees oil and gas drilling, gas utilities, pipeline safety and coal and uranium surface mining in Texas. The agency’s stated mission is to “serve Texas by our stewardship of natural resources and the environment, our concern for personal and community safety and our support of enhanced development and economic vitality for the benefit of Texans.”

The agency has for years been the target of calls for reform, from changing the name of the body — it no longer regulates railroads — to tightening rules around campaign fundraising.

Commissioners routinely accept campaign contributions from companies, executives and groups in the industries they regulate and that have cases before the agency. Though commissioners are allowed to maintain personal financial interests in companies they regulate, commissioners must recuse themselves in cases in which they have a “personal or private interest.” Those rules do not apply to political donors.

“It does point to, will the regulator make the right decision for the people of Texas, or will they just make the right decisions for their pocketbook?” Palacios said. “There’s a lot of decisions that the railroad commissioners make that may constrict revenues for oil and gas companies, but the important thing is that they do their job to protect groundwater supplies, to protect air quality and to protect the future of the people of Texas.”

Tokenizing oil

$WTIC is a new crypto token whose value is tied, one-to-one, to the value of a barrel of West Texas Intermediate crude oil, one of three main global benchmarks for oil pricing. While investors typically trade on oil price changes, $WTIC allows investors to take direct ownership of oil itself, with each token serving as a digital representation of an actual barrel of oil in storage and traded on the blockchain, according to Energy Substantiation’s website and online documentation. The token has not publicly launched yet, according to the company spokesperson.

Christian, in his email to prospective investors, touted the venture as “an opportunity that brings together two of the most powerful forces shaping the global economy today: energy and blockchain finance.”

He wrote that as a member of the Interstate Oil and Gas Compact Commission — a multistate government agency to which he was appointed by Gov. Greg Abbott — he participated in discussions about “the growing threat to the U.S. dollar’s role as the world’s petro-currency” as “key players like Saudi Arabia have begun accepting alternative currencies from nations like China, Russia and Iran.”

“Texas has an opportunity to lead by unlocking a new dimension of America’s energy inventory through next-generation financial technology,” he wrote, arguing that the United States needed to “reinforce its leadership in energy markets tied to dollar-based systems.”

For investors, he wrote, an oil-backed token offered their portfolios direct exposure to the “value of a resource that has powered the global economy for more than a century.” For oil and gas producers, Christian wrote, the venture could “expand access to global capital.”

In pitch materials, Energy Substantiation said Texas “has led the energy revolution,” arguing that the “global petrocurrency should be from Texas.”

“Texas business is good business for the US; if not the US, who will step in?” the presentation reads.

Unanswered questions

Christian declined to answer a question about whether he earns a commission or other form of compensation from Energy Substantiation for investors he brings into the fold.

Ethics experts noted that if Christian has a financial stake in Energy Substantiation or personally trades in $WTIC, he would stand to earn more if oil prices were high.

Though oil prices are driven by a range of factors outside the Railroad Commission’s jurisdiction, such as geopolitics and financial markets, the agency has the power to curtail oil and gas production in Texas — giving commissioners the ability to shape supply and, thus, prices.

The Railroad Commission “has the power to regulate oil and gas production” in Texas, said Andrew Wheat, an editor at the Austin Free Press who previously served as research director of Texans for Public Justice, a nonpartisan watchdog group. “By exercising that power — or not — it wields great influence over oil prices. Are prices not the intersection of supply and demand?”

Commissioners, including Christian, have long supported near-unfettered oil production, largely viewing robust environmental regulations and tighter restrictions on practices like flaring as unwelcome limits on the industry and the market — meaning any moves to constrain oil production and supply would mark a significant departure from their typical postures.

“If it ever came down to it, I just don’t see Christian trying to limit supply to increase costs,” Wheat said. “But that would be a conflict if, in fact, he had a substantial monetary interest in this product.”

Andy Cates, a Texas ethics attorney, said any push by Christian to restrict drilling permits or otherwise constrain oil supply “could have follow along effects” on $WTIC and help prop up the token’s value.

“That, I would think, would be some sort of market manipulation, some sort of potentially, call it essentially insider trading,” Cates said.

Christian declined to say whether he would recuse himself from regulatory decisions by the Railroad Commission that could impact the token’s value and Energy Substantiation’s revenue. Recusals by commissioners from cases related to companies in which they have financial interests have been rare.

Government watchdogs also raised concerns that Christian’s official title was included in Energy Substantiation’s materials for prospective investors, which could lend credibility to the venture and suggest state backing for the product. Christian was the keynote speaker at Energy Substantiation’s launch in Houston in November, according to a LinkedIn post.

“It does seem like something that an elected official shouldn’t be getting involved with,” Palacios said. “It gives the impression of favoritism for a specific financial product.”

Christian was listed as a board member and advisor on Energy Substantiation’s website as recently as last week. After the Tribune reached out to Christian for an interview, the company’s website was overhauled, removing mention of its advisors, including Christian.

A presentation deck the company used to pitch investors described Christian as a “Texan politician heavily involved in energy, oil and gas policymaking,” a “member and former chair of the Railroad Commission of Texas since 2017,” and “Vice Chair, Interstate Oil & Gas Commission.”

“The inclusion of any advisor’s professional background in company materials reflects their individual qualifications and expertise,” Energy Substantiation’s spokesperson said. “It does not represent or imply endorsement by any government body, agency or office.”

The materials also described state Sen. Tan Parker, R-Flower Mound and a member of the Senate Natural Resources Committee, as a member of Energy Substantiation’s advisory board. Parker’s Capitol office did not respond to a request for comment. Frank Thorwald, chair of Arizona’s oil and gas regulator, also was named as the vice chair of the board of directors.

This article first appeared on The Texas Tribune.

Texas House Democrats who staged a walkout in August over a new congressional map gerrymandered in favor of Republicans will be charged over $8,000 apiece in penalties, a GOP-led panel decided Friday.

Democrats avoided the Capitol for two weeks in August to protest the new congressional map that Texas Republicans redrew, at the request of President Donald Trump, to hand the GOP up to five additional seats in this year’s midterms. Their absence meant the Texas House lacked the quorum necessary to conduct business, forcing the chamber to a halt. The Legislature approved the map after Democrats, many of whom decamped to Illinois and other states, returned to Austin.

House rules allow lawmakers to be fined $500 for each day they miss while the House is in session, if the absence was “for the purpose of impeding the action of the House.” That provision also makes them liable for costs incurred by the House sergeant-at-arms in trying to force their attendance.

The final bill for most Democrats who broke quorum landed at $8,354 each — exceeding the annual $7,200 salary lawmakers receive as members of the Texas House. The fine includes $6,000 for their absence over 12 days and $2,354 in expenses sustained by the Department of Public Safety in trying to secure their presence, such as by dropping in on lawmakers’ homes across the state and trailing Democrats for a day after they returned to the Capitol.

The House Administration Committee tallied that 53 Democrats would be responsible for $421,890 in sum. The panel, made up of six Republicans and five Democrats, approved the fines on a party-line vote.

Democrats on Friday pushed to reduce or strike the penalties entirely, arguing that walkouts were a constitutionally sanctioned legislative tool of the minority party and framing the fines as a partisan and draconian response.

“The power to compel attendance is not the power to punish dissent,” said Rep. Armando Martinez, D-Weslaco, a member of the administration committee who did not participate in the walkout. “Nor is it to distort the Constitution’s design and convert a protected structural safeguard into a sanctioned offense.”

Committee Vice Chair Sheryl Cole, D-Austin, offered five motions to cut down the penalties, each of which was defeated 6 to 5 by the panel’s Republican majority. She first moved to scratch out all penalties “on the ground that the committee has not accorded those members the due process required.”

Democrats had demanded Republicans produce itemized receipts and records supporting the reported sum borne by law enforcement. They emerged from the closed-door portion of the hearing arguing that the accounting process behind the fines was inconsistent, lacking transparency and riddled with errors.

“There’s no certain number, because you've given us uncertain evidence and there’s uncertain documentation,” state Rep. Cassandra Garcia Hernandez told The Texas Tribune after testifying to the committee. “The lack of due process was really frustrating.”

She said that despite asking for receipts supporting the fines in August, Democrats did not receive any records until a few days ago, when the panel’s Republicans provided a 300-page packet of records from DPS and the House sergeant-in-arms that Democrats complained was difficult to evaluate without more time. Garcia Hernandez and other Democrats also said DPS leaders admitted at the hearing there were possible errors in the accounting and acknowledged records showing inconsistent documentation by officers of their efforts to round up lawmakers.

“Records provided by DPS don’t even show that they were legitimately trying to secure absent members during the relevant time period,” Cole said at the hearing. “None of the documents are tied to efforts to track down specific members, so we have no way of knowing what was expended on which members.”

Some Democrats saw their penalties reduced or struck before Friday’s hearing after successfully arguing that their absences from the Capitol during the walkout should count as excused. Rep. Salman Bhojani, D-Euless, was in Pakistan for half of the quorum break attending to a sick family member and saw his fine cut, and Rep. Claudia Ordaz, D-El Paso, saw her penalties struck entirely as she was undergoing in vitro fertilization treatment.

The maximum penalty was ultimately $1,000 less than the original total House Republicans had quoted Democrats in August. House Administration Chair Charlie Geren, R-Fort Worth, said he dropped two Sundays from the $500-a-day tally because the House was not in session.

Beyond their due process arguments, Democrats lamented that Republicans’ pursuit of the penalties would contribute to a more partisan and divided political environment.

“Not only is [our politics] more divisive, but it’s becoming also more vindictive,” said Rep. Vince Perez, D-El Paso, in describing his testimony to the committee. “Democrats, at the end of the day, lost this battle. We put up a fight and we came back and we lost, and we went on to other business. And I asked the committee: Really, what does it serve to continue to impose these or be rigid about these financial penalties when Democrats have already lost this issue?”

Rep. Joe Moody, an El Paso Democrat on the administration panel, condemned the partisan rhetoric from Republicans, some of whom have argued for maximizing the punishment to deter future walkouts.

“The members whose fines that we’ve considered today are colleagues and friends,” he said. “They’re not political ideas, and they broke quorum because they believed it was the right way to stand up for their districts. Some of the rhetoric around this has been incredibly over the top, which makes zero sense for tactics as old as politics itself.”

House rules prohibit lawmakers from paying the fines using campaign funds, meaning Democrats will have to pay them out of pocket. Before the hearing Friday, a spokesperson for House Democrats’ campaign arm said their read of state law was that lawmakers could use their campaign cash to reimburse themselves for the fine. A spokesperson for the campaign group said it was raising money to support every Democrat’s reelection, adding, “What they choose to do within the bounds of applicable law when the campaign committee makes campaign disbursements is up to them.”

After the hearing, Rep. James Talarico of Austin, the Democratic nominee for U.S. Senate and a member of the Texas House Administration Committee, blasted out a fundraising email from his Senate campaign, saying, “there is something deeply wrong in this state if the majority party is trying to punish representatives for speaking up for their constituents.”

“This is why we have to take back Texas,” he added. “And when we do, my promise to you is that I will always fight for the people — regardless of the consequences.”

Before the committee approved the penalties, some Democratic lawmakers were noncommittal about paying them, with Perez and Garcia Hernandez saying they would evaluate their options in the coming days. Rep. Jolanda Jones of Houston said she was “not going to concede or pay anything illegal.”

Lawmakers who refuse to pay the fine could see their office budget slashed by 30%, according to House rules.

Some House Republicans, meanwhile, signaled an appetite to increase the fines and punishments for walkouts even further when the Legislature meets again for the 2027 session.

“We’re obviously not getting the message across with the current rules,” Rep. Mitch Little, R-Lewisville, said. “The penalties need to be higher. We’ll find a number that bothers people enough to come and do their job.”

Dan Patrick lists property tax cuts, “preventing Sharia law” among priorities for 2027 session

by Kayla Guo, The Texas Tribune
January 30, 2026

Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick on Friday released an initial list of priorities for Texas senators to consider before they return to Austin for next year’s legislative session, including reducing property taxes and “preventing Sharia law” from taking hold in Texas.

“These first five interim charges, released today, reflect issues that I am particularly focused on, and Texans have asked the Texas Senate to study,” Patrick, a Republican who leads the upper chamber, said in a statement. “Texans can rest assured the Senate will hit the ground running on day one of the 90th Texas Legislature to ensure the priorities of the conservative majority of Texans are accomplished.”

Patrick asked state senators to provide legislative recommendations for the five issues by Feb. 20, adding that he would announce more interim priorities in March. As president of the Texas Senate, Patrick wields enormous power over the legislation that passes into law.

The first issue he listed Friday was “preventing Sharia law in Texas,” a charge he assigned to the Senate State Affairs Committee. He asked the panel to scrutinize the East Plano Islamic Center, a planned Muslim community in North Texas that Attorney General Ken Paxton has sued to stop, and recommend legislation to “protect Texans from housing discrimination and unscrupulous developers.”

Patrick also told the Senate Education Committee to work on “promoting America and Texas first” in the state’s public schools, including by finding ways to “strengthen laws stopping hostile countries or related entities from infiltrating” Texas classrooms. He directed the panel to examine how some schools promote events or partnerships with groups the state or federal government deem hostile agents.

The charge followed conservative outrage at a planned all-ages sporting event called the Islamic Games at a high school in North Texas.

Grapevine-Colleyville ISD officials “severed negotiations” with the group organizing the event after Gov. Greg Abbott and other Republican officials alleged the event was sponsored by the Council on American-Islamic Relations, a nonprofit group that the governor and President Donald Trump have designated a foreign terrorist organization.

Organizers of the Islamic Games said CAIR “has never been, and is not presently, a sponsor, partner, affiliate or supporter” of the sports festival.

The charges are the latest in a wave of anti-Muslim rhetoric and actions taking over Republican campaigns this election cycle, as conservative activists push the GOP to take a harder line against Islam and to prevent it from spreading in Texas.

Texas is home to over 300,000 Muslims — more than all but four states — and long-established Muslim communities in Houston and North Texas.

Patrick also instructed the Senate Finance Committee to assess “Operation Double Nickel,” his proposal to reduce property taxes by further increasing the amount of a home’s value that can’t be taxed to pay for public schools, known as the homestead exemption. The plan also involves lowering the age at which Texans qualify for additional relief on their school tax bills.

Under Patrick’s proposal, the state’s homestead exemption for school property taxes would increase by another $40,000, after Texas voters in November approved the latest increase by the same amount, from $100,000 to $140,000.

Also on Patrick’s to-do list is evaluating the supply chain feeding the state’s electric grid. As part of that charge, he asked the Senate Business and Commerce Committee to identify any “vulnerabilities or potential risks posed by hostile foreign entities,” such as China, Russia and Iran.

And after Abbott directed investigations into potential Medicaid and child care fraud in Texas — a move that came amid a fraud scandal in Minnesota that led to Gov. Tim Walz’s decision to drop his reelection bid — the Senate Health and Human Services Committee will be tasked with recommending ways to prevent abuses in the state’s human services programs.

Patrick is up for reelection this year as he seeks a fourth term as lieutenant governor. The Senate’s 31 seats are currently divided between 18 Republicans and 11 Democrats, with two vacancies in red-leaning districts. One of those seats, Senate District 9, will be filled after a special election runoff Saturday between Democrat Taylor Rehmet and Republican Leigh Wambsganss.

This article first appeared on The Texas Tribune.

Head of Texas’ largest business organization accused of sexual assault in lawsuit

by Kayla Guo and Alejandro Serrano, The Texas Tribune
November 24, 2025

An unidentified woman accused Glenn Hamer, president and CEO of the Texas Association of Business, of sexually harassing and assaulting her before retaliating against her through his perch atop the powerful business group when she rejected his overtures, according to a lawsuit filed Monday in Travis County.

The woman, identified in her court filing as “Jane Doe,” was described on social media by her attorney, Tony Buzbee, as the founder and executive director of Texas Venture Alliance, an advocacy group for startups and entrepreneurs. She is seeking more than $10 million in damages.

The lawsuit alleges that Hamer pursued the woman using his status as head of the Texas Association of Business, or TAB, offering to help advance the woman’s advocacy group and connect her with important people. Hamer also serves as chairman of the Texas Venture Alliance, according to the group’s website, and the two organizations partnered in September 2024 to launch an initiative promoting entrepreneurship in Texas.

In a statement, TAB Board of Directors Chair Bill Jones said the organization was aware of the lawsuit and was putting Hamer on administrative leave “while it conducts a full internal investigation.” Jones added that Megan Mauro, TAB’s vice president and chief of staff, would serve as the group’s interim CEO.

In a 13-page filing, the unidentified woman’s lawyers cast Hamer as the latest in a long line of “unscrupulous men in power” who “have attempted to improperly use that power to coerce those with less power to get what they want.”

“In this matter, the prime perpetrator used his vaunted and respected status to engage in a sexual relationship with a much younger woman by offering incentives available to him by virtue of his position,” the lawsuit continues. “When she at some point refused his advances, he coerced, begged, harassed and ultimately assaulted her.”

Hamer did not immediately respond to an email seeking comment.

The legal filing also names TAB as a defendant, arguing that the group was “vicariously liable” for Hamer’s actions by allowing him to remain in his position as CEO despite “knowledge of his prior behavior and complaints,” and by failing to adopt policies to prevent such actions.

The Texas Association of Business is among Texas’ most influential business groups, serving as the state’s de facto chamber of commerce and routinely lobbying members of the Legislature on a wide array of business issues.

Hamer often appears alongside the state’s top leaders at public functions; just last week, he moderated a “fireside chat” with Gov. Greg Abbott, during which the two discussed Texas’ economic future and TAB gave Abbott an award.

Spokespersons for the state’s top three elected officials — Abbott, Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick and House Speaker Dustin Burrows — did not immediately respond to a request for comment on the allegations leveled against Hamer.

The lawsuit alleges that Hamer “groomed” the unidentified woman and entered into a relationship with her beginning in 2022. He then “began to view Doe not as a colleague or someone working alongside him with similar goals for Texas, but as someone he could manipulate for his personal pleasure,” the filing says.

Hamer sexually assaulted and harassed the woman multiple times, the lawsuit alleges, including in May by attempting to remove her pants and “mount” her. When the woman pushed him away and left the room, the lawsuit states that Hamer “followed. He would not stop.” Hamer later apologized, according to the lawsuit, telling the woman that he was “disgusted with himself” and offering to go to an ATM to give her money so she would “forget about it.”

“She did not accept his monies; she did not forget,” the lawsuit continues.

Hamer is accused of making unsuccessful sexual advances on the woman on two other occasions after the May incident: in June in Denton, and in October in Washington.

When the woman rejected his overtures, the lawsuit states, Hamer launched a “smear campaign and actively tried to damage Doe’s reputation, credibility and professional relationships.”

“His message was clear; his intentions straightforward,” the lawsuit alleges. “If Doe would not give him what he wanted personally, he would use his status to make sure Doe did not advance professionally.”

Hamer allegedly retaliated against the woman by redirecting a planned donation to the Texas Venture Alliance from an unidentified “Texas organization,” ensuring the money was rerouted to other entities, including the Texas Association of Business. Hamer also helped form an “in-state competitor whose mission mirrored TVA,” then assisted that organization in competing for the same funding as TVA and “copied, stole and passed off Doe’s ideas and business plans” to the copycat group and to TAB, according to the lawsuit.

The filing also notes that the woman is TVA’s sole employee, and that her salary depends on the organization’s revenue and her boss — Hamer.

After the woman’s rejections, Hamer’s behavior turned into “sinister intimidation,” the lawsuit continues, accusing Hamer of “stalking Doe at conferences or events, following her in and out of hotels, following her throughout hotel hallways barefoot or in his pajamas and turning friends and business contacts against her.”

Aside from accompanying elected officials to public events, Hamer is a registered lobbyist who frequents the Capitol during legislative sessions, lending his support for or discouraging passage of proposed legislation.

This year, he testified in support of a measure — Senate Bill 30 — that sought to limit the amount of damages accident victims could claim. The bill died during the Legislature’s final hours, despite a lobbying campaign from TAB and other powerful business groups.

The first introduced version of SB 30 would have capped damages at $250,000 for mental or emotional pain resulting from an event that caused someone personal injury, such as sexual assault.

The allegations of sexual misconduct are the latest to rock the Capitol. In 2023, Rep. Bryan Slaton, R-Royse City, resigned on the eve of a Texas House vote to expel him after an investigation found that he had provided alcohol to a 19-year-old staffer before having sex with her.

Two years before that, a false date rape allegation cast fresh attention on a culture of sexual harassment under the Pink Dome. That culture was well-detailed in numerous media reports during the 2017 legislative session that led to reforms that the state’s elected leaders later acknowledged fell short.

Among the lawmakers accused of wrongdoing was Sen. Charles Schwertner, R-Georgetown, who gave up a committee leadership post after the University of Texas at Austin investigated allegations that he sent lewd messages and a sexually explicit photo to a graduate student. The university later said that evidence did “not support a finding” that Schwertner had violated Title IX by sending the messages.

Schwertner was once again elevated to hold a committee chair in 2021 and has since carried a number of major bills in the upper chamber. Among them was SB 30 — the personal injury lawsuit payouts cap.

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This article first appeared on The Texas Tribune.

Abbott sets Jan. 31 special election runoff for North Texas Senate seat

by Kayla Guo, The Texas Tribune
November 17, 2025

Gov. Greg Abbott on Monday set Jan. 31 as the special election runoff date for Senate District 9 in North Texas, where voters will decide who will fill the seat vacated by Acting Comptroller Kelly Hancock.

Democrat Taylor Rehmet, a union leader, machinist and Air Force veteran, and conservative activist Leigh Wambsganss will face each other in the January runoff after winning the most votes in the Nov. 4 election, with Rehmet nearly pulling off an outright win with 47.6% of the vote. Wambsganss won 36% of the vote, and former Republican Southlake Mayor John Huffman fell in last with 16%.

The Tarrant County-based district voted for President Donald Trump by more than 17 points last year, and the combined GOP tally outweighed Rehmet’s vote share earlier this month, making the seat likely to remain in Republican hands.

Still, Rehmet’s near-victory in the red district sparked Democratic hopes that a blue wave driven by turnout and backlash to the Trump administration could be bubbling ahead of the 2026 midterm election. Even if he loses in January, Democratic strategists said, Rehmet’s first-place finish in November gave the state party a desperately needed boost of energy, especially coming out of a highly competitive county that has become something of a political bellwether.

Wambsganss, who spent around $1.4 million on her campaign ahead of the Nov. 4 election, has since consolidated Republican support, rolling out new endorsements from Hancock, U.S. Rep. Beth Van Duyne of Irving and several state lawmakers. She was previously endorsed by Trump, U.S. Sen. Ted Cruz and Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick — the president of the state Senate.

The winner of January’s runoff election will serve out the rest of Hancock’s term through the end of 2026. Wambsganss has indicated she also plans to run in the March primary for a full four-year term that would start in 2027.

Earlier Monday, Abbott also set Jan. 31 as the runoff election date for Texas’ 18th Congressional District based in Houston.

This article first appeared on The Texas Tribune.