'Utter disaster': Most likely Medicaid cuts would slam 8 Trump-voting states

Working-age adults who live in small towns and rural areas are more likely to be covered by Medicaid than their counterparts in cities, creating a dilemma for Republicans looking to make deep cuts to the health care program.

About 72 million people — nearly 1 in 5 people in the United States — are enrolled in Medicaid, which provides health care coverage to low-income and disabled people and is jointly funded by the federal government and the states. Black, Hispanic and Native people are disproportionately represented on the rolls, and more than half of Medicaid recipients are people of color.

Nationwide, 18.3% of adults who are between the ages of 19 and 64 and live in small towns and rural areas are enrolled, compared with 16.3% in metro areas, according to a recent analysis by the Center for Children and Families at Georgetown University.

In 15 states, at least a fifth of working-age adults in small towns and rural areas are covered by Medicaid, and in two of those states — Arizona and New York — more than a third are. Eight of the 15 states voted for President Donald Trump.

Twenty-six Republicans in the U.S. House represent districts where Medicaid covers more than 30% of the population, according to a recent analysis by The New York Times. Many of those districts have significant rural populations, including House Speaker Mike Johnson’s 4th Congressional District in Louisiana.

Republican U.S. Rep. David Valadao of California, whose Central Valley district is more than two-thirds Hispanic and where 68% of the residents are enrolled in Medicaid, has spoken out against potential cuts.

“I’ve heard from countless constituents who tell me the only way they can afford health care is through programs like Medicaid, and I will not support a final reconciliation bill that risks leaving them behind,” Valadao said to House members in a recent floor speech.

U.S. House Republicans are trying to reduce the federal budget by $2 trillion as they seek $4.5 trillion in tax cuts. GOP leaders have directed the House Energy and Commerce Committee, which oversees Medicaid and Medicare, to find $880 billion in savings.

Trump has ruled out cuts to Medicare, which covers older adults. That leaves Medicaid as the only other program big enough to provide the needed savings — and the Medicaid recipients most likely to be in the crosshairs are working-age adults. But targeting that population would have a disproportionate impact on small towns and rural areas, which are reliably Republican.

Furthermore, hospitals and other health care providers in rural communities are heavily reliant on Medicaid. Many rural hospitals are struggling, and nearly 200 have closed or significantly scaled back their services in the past two decades.

Before the Affordable Care Act was enacted in 2010, there were far fewer working-age adults on the Medicaid rolls: The program mostly covered children and their caregivers, people with disabilities and pregnant women. But under the ACA, states are allowed to expand Medicaid to cover adults making up to 138% of the federal poverty level — about $21,000 a year for a single person. As an inducement to expand, the federal government covers 90% of the costs — a greater share than what the feds pay for the traditional Medicaid population.

Last year, there were about 21.3 million people who received coverage through Medicaid expansion.

‘States will not be able to cover those shortfalls’

One GOP cost-saving idea is to reduce the federal match for that population to what the feds give states for the traditional Medicaid population, which ranges from 50% for the wealthiest states to 77% for the poorest ones. That would reduce federal spending by $626 billion over a 10-year period, according to a recent analysis by KFF, a health research group.

Nine states — Arizona, Arkansas, Illinois, Indiana, Montana, New Hampshire, North Carolina, Utah and Virginia — have so-called trigger laws that would automatically end Medicaid expansion if the feds reduce their share. Three other states — Idaho, Iowa and New Mexico — would require other cost-saving steps.

“States will not be able to cover those shortfalls,” said Jennifer Driver, senior director of reproductive rights at the State Innovation Exchange, a left-leaning nonprofit that advocates on state legislative issues. “It’s not cutting costs. It is putting people in real danger.”

Studies have shown that Medicaid expansion has improved health care for a range of issues, including family planning, HIV care and prevention, and postpartum health care.

Another idea is to require able-bodied Medicaid recipients to work. That would affect an average of 15 million enrollees each year, and 1.5 million would lose eligibility for federal funding, resulting in federal savings of about $109 billion over 10 years.

In heavily rural North Carolina, which has a trigger law, there are about 3 million people on Medicaid, and 640,000 of them are eligible under the state’s expansion program. About 231,000 of the expansion enrollees live in rural counties. Black residents make up about 36% of new enrollees under the state’s eligibility expansion, but only about 22% of the state’s population.

Brandy Harrell, chief of staff at the Foundation for Health Leadership & Innovation, an advocacy group based in Cary, North Carolina, that focuses on rural issues, said the proposed Medicaid cuts would “deepen the existing disparities” between white people and Black people and urban and rural residents.

“It would have a profound effect on working families by reducing access to essential health care, increasing financial strain and jeopardizing children’s health,” Harrell said. “Cuts could lead to more medical debt, and also poorer health outcomes for our state.”

Two of the North Carolina lawmakers with about 30% of their constituents on Medicaid, U.S. Reps. Virginia Foxx and Greg Murphy, represent heavily rural districts in western and coastal North Carolina, respectively.

Foxx has supported GOP budget priorities in social media posts. Murphy, a physician and co-chair of the GOP Doctors Caucus in the House, has focused his statements on taking care of what he says is abuse and fraud in the Medicaid system.

But North Carolina Democratic Gov. Josh Stein last week sent a letter to U.S. House and Senate leaders of both parties, saying the state’s rural communities disproportionately rely on Medicaid and that cuts would upend an already fragile landscape for rural hospitals in the state.

“The damage to North Carolina’s health care system, particularly rural hospitals and providers, would be devastating, not to mention to people who can no longer afford to access health care,” Stein wrote.

In Nebraska, 27% of residents live in rural areas, and state lawmakers are already scrambling to make up for reduced federal Medicaid funding.

Dr. Alex Dworak, a family medicine physician who works at an Omaha health clinic that serves low-income and uninsured people, said a dearth of health care options in rural Nebraska already hurts residents. He has one patient who drives up to three hours from his rural community to the clinic.

“It wouldn’t be just bad for marginalized communities, but it would be worse for marginalized communities — because things were already worse for them,” Dworak said of proposed Medicaid cuts. “It will be an utter disaster.”

Stateline reporter Nada Hassanein and Stateline’s Barbara Barrett contributed to this report. Scott S. Greenberger can be reached at sgreenberger@stateline.org.

Like Minnesota Reformer, Stateline is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Stateline maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Scott S. Greenberger for questions: info@stateline.org.

Positive polling, past successes don’t guarantee victory for abortion rights at the ballot box

Polls show that most Americans, even in red states, oppose the strict abortion bans Republican state lawmakers have enacted in the year since the U.S. Supreme Court struck down Roe v. Wade.

Emboldened by that fact, abortion rights advocates in multiple states might propose ballot initiatives for voters to consider in next year’s election, if not before. Last year, voters in six states — including conservative Kansas, Kentucky and Montana — endorsed abortion rights when presented with abortion-related ballot questions.

But in several states, Republicans have scrambled the political calculus by making it more difficult to place initiatives on the ballot or by requiring a supermajority of voters to approve them. GOP lawmakers had mixed success with such efforts this year, but they are likely to continue to push them in hopes of raising the barriers before the 2024 election.

GOP officials also could short-circuit ballot measures by, for example, tinkering with their language or rejecting the signatures on petitions, abortion rights supporters worry.

Maryland and New York are so far the only states where abortion rights measures are officially on the 2024 ballot. Each of those initiatives, placed on the ballot by legislators, would enshrine abortion rights in the state constitution. Voters in those deep-blue states almost certainly will approve them.

Everywhere else, the prospects for getting a citizen-generated abortion rights measure on the ballot, let alone winning voters’ approval, is murkier.

Many activists on both sides of the abortion debate are focused on Ohio, where abortion rights supporters must submit the required number of signatures by July 5. The courts have temporarily halted Ohio’s abortion ban, which prohibits the procedure as early as six weeks into a pregnancy — before most women know they’re pregnant.

Abortion rights supporters are expected to land a “right to reproductive freedom” amendment on this November’s ballot. Polls suggest that most Ohioans will support it: One survey conducted last fall found that 59.1% of Ohio registered voters favor enshrining abortion rights in the state constitution, compared with just 26.7% who oppose it.

But the initiative’s fate may hinge on another election Aug. 8, which Republicans scheduled in May. In that election, Ohio voters will be asked to raise the threshold for passing constitutional changes from a simple majority to 60%.

Ballot measures are a very powerful and attractive tool when there is this large gulf between public opinion and the actions of elected politicians.

– Kelly Hall, Fairness Project executive director

Earlier this year, GOP backers of raising the threshold in the Buckeye State insisted their intent was to protect the state constitution from “outside influence and special interests,” as the House sponsor of the measure, Republican state Rep. Brian Stewart, put it when he filed the bill. But in a letter obtained late last year by The (Cleveland) Plain Dealer, Stewart made it clear to his House colleagues that his goal was to thwart an abortion rights amendment.

“After decades of Republicans’ work to make Ohio a pro-life state, the Left intends to write abortion on demand into Ohio’s Constitution,” Stewart wrote. “If they succeed, all the work accomplished by multiple Republican majorities will be undone, and we will return to 19,000+ babies being aborted each and every year.”

The other state where abortion rights advocates are actively pushing a constitutional amendment is Florida, where a coalition of groups announced in May a drive to put a measure on the November 2024 ballot. They launched their effort less than a month after Florida Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis signed into a law a bill banning abortions after six weeks of pregnancy.

Abortion Advocates Aim to Outflank Lawmakers Using 2024 Ballot Measures

As in Ohio, polls suggest that most Floridians don’t like strict abortion bans. In one survey conducted earlier this year by the University of North Florida Public Opinion Research Lab, 62% of registered Florida voters said they strongly opposed a six-week ban without exceptions for rape and incest. Only 13% said they were strongly in favor.

But the law DeSantis signed does allow abortions up to 15 weeks for victims of rape, incest and human trafficking. And it will take more than a simple majority of voters to amend the constitution: A bill that would have raised the standard to nearly 67% failed, but Florida already requires a 60% supermajority.

In other states that allow citizen-generated initiatives, including Arizona, Arkansas, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska and Oklahoma, abortion rights advocates might pursue ballot initiatives but are still mulling their options, according to Kelly Hall, executive director of the Fairness Project, which backs progressive state ballot measures across the country and is consulting with activists in those states.

In each place, Hall said, advocates would have to file proposed ballot language and form committees before Labor Day to qualify for the 2024 ballot. She cautioned, however, that just because surveys show a growing majority of Americans oppose strict abortion bans doesn’t mean ballot initiatives are sure to succeed, or that they are the right strategy in every state.

“Ballot measures are a very powerful and attractive tool when there is this large gulf between public opinion and the actions of elected politicians,” Hall told Stateline. “Framed through that general high-level lens, you would expect advocates to not think twice and to move into that gap where they know public opinion is on their side and to pass ballot measures.”

But, Hall added, “the newspaper story polling you read about — and we do think it reflects public opinion — is a very shallow look at public opinion.” Some surveys don’t focus on likely voters, she explained, or they ask questions in a way that doesn’t resemble the legalese that tends to end up on the ballot.

And, she said, state officials who are hostile to an initiative can alter the wording so that it is less palatable to voters or derail it by refusing to certify signatures.

As Abortion Measures Loom, GOP Raises New Barriers to Ballot Initiatives

As in Ohio and Florida, Republicans anticipating abortion rights ballot initiatives elsewhere have tried to raise barriers to amending the constitution.

In Missouri, for example, the state Senate adjourned in May without taking up a House-passed measure that would have raised the threshold for passage of constitutional amendments to 57%. Missouri bans abortion “except in cases of medical emergency.”

Shortly after the constitutional amendment proposal died, Republican House Speaker Dean Plocher lashed out at GOP senators.

“I think we all believe that an initiative petition will be brought forth to allow choice,” Plocher said a week later. “I believe it will pass. Absolutely.”

But Missouri GOP leaders have pledged to revive the threshold measure next year. Meanwhile, abortion rights supporters, who announced in March that they would seek to put a constitutional amendment on the ballot, were delayed in collecting signatures because of a dispute among Republican state officials over the amendment’s fiscal impact. Fiscal notes are required on the signature forms.

Republican state auditor Scott Fitzpatrick in March estimated that the measure would cost the state nothing and reduce local tax revenues by about $51,000 annually. But GOP Attorney General Andrew Bailey countered that it could cost the state up to $51 billion because of $12.5 million in lost Medicaid revenue to Catholic hospitals and the lost tax revenues of residents who wouldn’t be born. A judge has ordered the attorney general to accept the auditor’s estimate.

Hall, of the Fairness Project, said supporters of constitutional amendments often must clear such hurdles to get their measure onto the ballot.

“There are lot of steps in the complex process of putting a constitutional amendment forward to voters,” she said. “The ultimate impact is incredibly powerful, but it does mean that you have gone through a lot of work, a lot of scrutiny, a lot of bureaucratic red tape to actually get that question in front of voters.”

Stateline is part of States Newsroom, a network of news bureaus supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Stateline maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Scott Greenberger for questions: info@stateline.org. Follow Stateline on Facebook and Twitter.