Push to trash Department of Education points to a darker aim

The U.S. Supreme Court last week ruled the Trump administration could continue dismantling the Department of Education. Waves of firings halted by a lower court could now resume, it seems, until all 1,400 employees are gone.

The department oversees billions for schools, for civil rights actions, for a federal student loan program, for education access. In other words, the common good.

It’s the latest public institution under assault by people obsessed with destroying any semblance of a common good. This tension between America’s soaring ideals and its cruel realities has existed as long as the country has.

Congress established the department back in 1979, and closing it not only would require an act of Congress, but likely supermajority votes. If this fight sounds familiar, it’s because it has historical roots.

A June NPR podcast, The First Department of Education, whisked listeners to the 1830s as a “common school movement” developed in the Northeast. Nativist fears about Irish Catholic immigrants propelled the effort.

Proponents believed education could reverse increasing societal fragmentation. This might help unify the country under a common system — free public school in every state — not just for education, but also for citizenship.

Future President James Garfield in 1866 called education one of government’s most economical expenditures.

“A tenth of our national debt expended in public education 50 years ago would have saved us the blood and treasure of the late war,” Garfield said, according to the podcast. “A far less sum may save our children from still greater calamity.”

Congress created the system, but it lasted only about a year, dragged down by claims education represented a waste of money, that it undermined local control and that the word “education” didn’t appear in the Constitution.

The South, according to the podcast, considered education dangerous. The Black population represented a majority or near majority in a handful of Southern states, and withholding education offered an effective means of social control.

The podcast also pointed out that Southerners seemed more vulnerable to demagoguery because of lack of education.

Withholding education as social control fits a historical pattern. Any common good seemingly must weather accusations of wastefulness. This push for individualism benefits the wealthy minority at the expense of a hardscrabble majority.

The strategy crystallizes though today’s performative cruelty. Crushing empathy is necessary to stamping out a sense of common good, whether education, voting rights, or universal health care (opposed by rich politicians on public health care).

Increasing waves of politicians exalt qualities that should disqualify them as public officials: a mistrust of government, demonizing opponents, and supporting private schools with public money. These qualities should stand as barriers to candidacy, not bona fides.

Countless candidates promote themselves as “CEOs,” but governments aren’t corporations. Governments exist for the common good.

Wichita State University associate professor of sociology Chase Billingham said this rugged individualism, marked by minimal social obligations, remains a bedrock principle for those leaning right.

He said the late British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher once argued there was “no such thing as a society.”

“Our government, our social safety net and some of our most treasured institutions, like public libraries, public schools and public media … are all antithetical to that radical individualism,” he said.

Such institutions represent a kind society, but they face extinction or significant weakening, he said. The result will be a society characterized by self-interest and self-centeredness — a mean society.

“Increasingly, treasured resources will be available exclusively to those who can pay for them,” he said. And as we lurch toward Thatcher’s ideal, “even the most ardent conservatives will find that they don’t enjoy the actual experience of living in that world.”

Until Gov. Laura Kelly ascended to Cedar Crest, Kansas routinely underfunded public education, and right now, extremists in the Legislature want to send public money into private schools via school vouchers.

That will neither promote the general welfare nor secure any blessings of liberty.

If you hate government and you’re indifferent to human suffering, you shouldn’t run for office. Attacking public education constitutes an attack on our societal fabric.

We need people who believe in government, not hateful bureaucrats eager to scrap crucial institutions people depend on for upward mobility if not basic survival.

It’s called “public service” for a reason.

  • Mark McCormick is the former executive director of the Kansas African American Museum, a member of the Kansas African American Affairs Commission and former deputy executive director at the ACLU of Kansas.

Troubling questions abound for Kansas police in wake of Jan. 6 Commission hearings

A chief of police candidate in Wichita a few years back said during the public interview process that an officer’s racism wasn’t necessarily a dealbreaker for employment. That response alarmed the Black community at the time — particularly because biased traffic stops around the country had recently escalated into shooting deaths — but nothing much came of it.

The question of what is or should be a disqualifying factor for police employment has taken on new urgency as the Jan. 6 commission uncovers more levels of criminality leading up to and taking place on that day. What are we to make of police officers who were among the white supremacists and seditionists storming the Capitol?

Should they be held to account just for their actions — which has been proved beyond doubt to be criminal — without regard for racist speech? Were they merely swept up in the moment, mimicking the language and actions of the president who summoned them there? (Recall, while still a private citizen living in his New York tower, Donald Trump claimed to have evidence proving that Barack Obama was ineligible to run for president because he wasn’t born in the United States. Birtherism, as it became known, was just the first of Trump’s numerous racist fictions unleashed for political gain.)

Or should they also be held to account for their words? Law enforcement officer salaries are paid through taxpayer funding. Does such speech demonstrate clear bias, a violation of their oath to serve and protect all members of the public equally?

Brandon Johnson, chairman of the Kansas Commission on Peace Officers Standards and Training, says actions of those storming the Capitol create a cut-and-dried case for firing. The words they used, he argues, also create such a case.

“Officers who traveled to the Capitol and took part in a direct attack on our democracy have broken their oath and because of the criminality of the insurrection should not be working in law enforcement,” he said.

“Officers who have stronger feelings of support for the disgusting rhetoric that the former president spewed regularly may have some biases that would potentially lead to biased negative treatment of members of those groups,” he added. “In my opinion, both racism and sexism should be dealbreakers in law enforcement due to the nature of their job of serving all of the public.”

Police clash with supporters of President Donald Trump during the Jan. 6 riot at the U.S. Capitol. (Alex Kent/Tennessee Lookout)

Johnson’s commission has authority to investigate officers accused of wrongdoing — as long as an individual submits a request focused on a specific officer. A Kansas Open Records Act request for vacation days taken on or around Jan. 6, 2021, might mark a great starting point for such an investigation.

But we shouldn’t stop there. All complaints against officers and any disciplinary action reports should be made public.

The Jan. 6 hearings have implicated Trump more deeply in the horrid events of that day that left one woman dead, numerous officers injured and offices looted.

Trump reportedly asked rioters to show up armed and then wanted metal detectors removed. This may have led to the death and injury of officers who fought valiantly defending the Capitol, while Trump watched from the White House for hours as staffers and his daughter begged him to intervene.

The former president earned wide support from militant, white nationalist groups for his racially incendiary rhetoric. It was here that Johnson expressed concern about officers perhaps compromising their ability to mete out justice fairly in non-white communities.

Trump famously said there were good people on both sides of the 2017 Unite the Right rally in Virginia where a Neo-Nazi sympathizer killed Heather Heyer when he drove his car into a crowd of counter protesters.

Trump’s rallies have continued to draw throngs of Confederate battle flag wavers, fatigue-wearing militiamen and survivalists and others seemingly obsessed with the rapidly changing racial demographics of our nation.

The fact that many white officers identify with a man with these kinds of views is chilling to people from communities who already disproportionately bear the brunt of stops, searches and police use of force. There’s not a ton of difference between racist language and racist actions where officers are concerned.

Johnson said if any officer was found to have committed one of the specific statutory offenses, they could be disciplined by the commission with a suspended or revoked law enforcement certification, depending on the infraction and the severity of it.

Johnson is right. This needs scrutiny.

Ideally, police protect communities. But if we’re sealing police files and remain unwilling to weed out officers with histories of discrimination and violence, it’s Black and brown communities that will need protection from police.

Through its opinion section, the Kansas Reflector works to amplify the voices of people who are affected by public policies or excluded from public debate. Find information, including how to submit your own commentary, here.

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