Tom Boggioni

Hot on the heels of agreeing to a tenuous ceasefire with Iran’s leadership, Donald Trump took to Truth Social on Wednesday morning to haul out his favorite weapon of choice when dealing with a foreign government.

Despite the recent smackdown from the Supreme Court restricting Trump from imposing tariffs on a whim without congressional approval, the president is once again menacing the international community.

Early Wednesday, he wrote on Truth Social, "A Country supplying Military Weapons to Iran will be immediately tariffed, on any and all goods sold to the United States of America, 50%, effective immediately. There will be no exclusions or exemptions! President DJT"

The threat represents a possible constitutional violation. In February, the Supreme Court delivered a decisive 6-3 ruling striking down Trump's sweeping tariff regime, explicitly finding that his executive orders exceed the powers given to the president by Congress under a 1977 law governing commerce during national emergencies.

Donald Trump’s last-minute ceasefire deal with the leadership of Iran was greeted with a great deal of skepticism on MS NOW on Wednesday morning with co-host Jonathan Lemire astounded by concessions the normally combative president agreed to.

On “Morning Joe,” the ten-point agreement brokered by Pakistan was broken down point by point by a panel of diplomatic experts, but it was Lemire who pointed out near the end that Iran came out ahead in the deal with regard to the Strait of Hormuz blockade with Iran essentially maintaining control.

After pointing out that “there are some real sticking points also in the Farsi version of this and the language in Iran,” he added, “So there's clearly work to do this weekend. And there's also, of course, the fact of the matter, the Strait of Hormuz, as just mentioned, was prior to this conflict, open and ships used it.”

Noting the agreement now allows Iran to collect tolls, Lemire called it a stunning win for Iran's leadership.

”Without this outcome, at least for now, Iran has increased their control over the Strait of Hormuz and has now learned that they can turn that spigot on and off,” he predicted. “That gives them an extraordinary amount of leverage over the world's energy supply and, of course, the United States. So these are some significant obstacles that still need to be cleared, even as the ceasefire now starts.”

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Donald Trump is sitting on a financial arsenal that could reshape the midterm elections — but Republican leadership is terrified he won't actually spend it.

According to Axios's Alex Isenstadt, Trump's operation controls more than half a billion dollars spread across various PACs and nonprofits. $300 million sits in the pro-Trump MAGA Inc. super PAC, with several hundred million more in Securing American Greatness, an allied nonprofit that doesn't have to disclose its donors.

The money exists. The question is whether Trump will deploy it.

Top Republicans are openly worried that Trump, notoriously protective of his cash, might simply hoard it. Some fear he'll keep the money entirely or wait until late in the campaign to spend — exactly what happened in 2022, when Trump amassed massive cash reserves but deployed little of it early.

Republican strategists argue that Trump's reluctance to spend aggressively in 2022 cost the party dearly. Had he invested earlier and more forcefully, they contend, Democrats wouldn't have performed as well as they did.

The stakes are enormous. Trump is cratering in the polls, the GOP faces potential loss of the House majority, and Republican lawmakers are imperiled by his horrific approval ratings. Yet Trump sees a strategic incentive to fight: he's desperate to prevent a Democratic takeover of the House, which he believes would trigger his third impeachment.

But Trump's motivations are unpredictable, and his relationship with money is notoriously volatile. "Plans can change on a whim," and his personal interest in controlling spending decisions could override party interests.

Some Republicans argue that money alone won't solve the fundamental problem: voter fury over the economy. "All the TV ads in the world won't be able to change how voters feel about the economy, the issue that surveys indicate is the most likely to swing the election."

Former senior Trump adviser Steve Bannon pointed to democratic socialist Zohran Mamdani's surprise win in last year's New York City mayoral race as proof that traditional political spending has limits.

"Money has lost its edge," Bannon said. "What makes the difference is 'authenticity, urgency, energy [and] grassroots commitment.'"

For GOP leaders hoping Trump's billions will salvage the midterms, that message offers little comfort.

Now that Donald Trump has broken the ice by abruptly firing Department of Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem and then Attorney General Pam Bondi, everyone's job is reportedly on the line as the president shakes up his embattled administration.

According to political strategist Max Burns writing for MS NOW, Trump is making a fundamental miscalculation. "Instead of getting the message the American people are sending, Trump is instead leaning on an old trick from his reality television days and shaking up the cast of characters in his dysfunctional administration. He may think a purge will fix things, but high-profile firings won't cure what ails an administration derailed by his own incompetence and failures."

The timing of Kristi Noem and Pam Bondi's departures are revealing. Both exited as Trump hit his worst-ever approval ratings in traditionally Republican stronghold areas — a sign of deeper, structural problems that scapegoating can't solve.

The numbers tell the story of failure. A CNN poll published April 1 found Trump 14 points underwater on immigration issues, with a growing number of independents abandoning his mass deportation scheme. On the Epstein files scandal, a majority of voters believe Trump is covering up the crimes of convicted sex offender and suspected sex trafficker Jeffrey Epstein — an issue Trump specifically tasked Bondi with resolving months ago, with no success.

The pattern is clear: Trump tolerates rank incompetence, but he cannot tolerate looking bad in public. That's a cardinal sin and someone has to pay –– just not him.

Burns highlights the absurdity of Trump's approach: "Voting contestants out of the boardroom may have been compelling television when Trump merely had to pretend to be a leader, but it's a disastrous policy when American families at home and troops abroad are paying the costs of the president's ineptitude."

"Trump’s first term is a reminder that when he’s cornered and increasingly unpopular, his most loyal flunkies often find themselves out of a job. That leaves key administration officials facing a difficult choice: Walk away now or face the growing risk of a presidential Truth Social post telling you to pack up your desk," Burns recommended.

The Donald Trump White House is bracing for impact from a potentially devastating new book set to publish mid-June. New York Times correspondents Maggie Haberman and Jonathan Swan — two of the most wired reporters in Washington with a proven track record of explosive Trump administration disclosures — have spent a lot of time investigating Trump's presidency, and the results are causing "high anxiety" in Trumpworld.

According to Axios founder Mike Allen, Trump's vicious mid-March attack on Haberman finally revealed what he was so desperate to suppress: the announcement of the book, titled "Regime Change," which examines Trump's "Imperial Presidency."

Trump's rage was unhinged. "Maggot Hagerman, just another SLEAZEBAG writer for The Failing New York Times, insists on writing false stories about me," Trump posted on Truth Social, threatening to add Haberman and her "associates" to his Florida lawsuit against the Times.

The timing wasn't coincidental. Allen noted that Trump's post lined up perfectly with an Oval Office interview Haberman and Swan conducted with the president in March — suggesting Trump was already aware of the book project.

The White House is now in full damage-control mode. Over the past few weeks, senior administration officials have been privately discussing leaks from Oval Office and Situation Room meetings to Haberman and Swan — including recent 2026 discussions — signaling panic about what explosive information might be contained in the forthcoming book.

The parallels to Trump's first term are unmistakable: previous bombshell book disclosures had his inner circle pointing fingers at each other in mutual suspicion and paranoia.

The publisher's description hints at the book's scope and ambition: "Regime Change" takes you inside secret deliberations of a president "who has fundamentally altered the nature of the office he holds — and, with it, how the rest of the world understands American power."

For a president obsessed with controlling his media narrative, the prospect of two supremely connected Times reporters publishing an in-depth examination of his presidency represents more chaos for an embattled White House.

Donald Trump's apocalyptic threat — "A whole civilization will die tonight" — if Iran doesn't reopen the Strait of Hormuz is facing a different kind of pressure: his own party is running out of patience and preparing to invoke constitutional limits on his war powers.

According to The Hill, GOP lawmakers are increasingly restless as the conflict drags on, and Trump faces a critical 6-day window before Congress could force a showdown vote on war powers authority.

The political ground is shifting beneath Trump's feet. The Iran operation is unfolding at a precarious moment for Republicans, as the midterm election season intensifies and segments of the MAGA base grow increasingly angry over perceived abandonment of the "America First" agenda. Trump promised this would last four to five weeks. Instead, he has escalated tensions, threatened strikes on Iran's infrastructure, and hasn't ruled out U.S. ground troops — moves that risk entrenching America in a prolonged conflict.

GOP lawmakers are now falling out of "lockstep" with Trump and are now drawing a line in the sand: 60 days.

"Constitutional limits are in place to temper the president from unilateral authority. I support the president's actions taken in defense of American lives and interests. However, I will not support ongoing military action beyond a 60-day window without congressional approval," Sen. John Curtis (R-UT) wrote in an op-ed on April 1.

Curtis invoked the War Powers Resolution of 1973, which "limits the president's period of time to respond to 'emerging threats.'" A 60-day window, he argued, "is a fully sufficient window for presidents to take emergency measures in response to a national threat and then remit a decision to the duly elected representatives of the people as to whether a state of war should in fact be declared and continued."

Rep. Don Bacon (R-NE) signaled he'd consider voting on a war powers resolution if the conflict extends beyond 60 days. "I do think Iran has been a threat for 47 years, and they've killed roughly a thousand Americans. But I'd consider the resolution," Bacon told The Hill. He added that he hopes the conflict ends quickly, but "the enemy has a vote."

Public opinion is overwhelmingly against continuation. In a CNN poll released last week, 66 percent of respondents said they either "somewhat disapprove" or "strongly disapprove" of the U.S. military action in Iran.

Frustration is mounting across the GOP conference. Rep. Lauren Boebert (R-CO) has already declared she won't support Trump's requested $200 billion supplemental funding package for the Pentagon.

"I've already told leadership, 'I am a no on any war supplementals,'" Boebert told CNN's Manu Raju. "I am so tired of spending money elsewhere. I am tired of the industrial war complex getting all of our hard-earned tax dollars. I have folks in Colorado who can't afford to live."

Concluding “God help us all,” a former Republican Party campaign advisor claimed on Tuesday morning that Donald Trump seems hellbent on launching World War III and not one of his advisors will lift a finger to stop him.

In his morning Substack newsletter, the acerbic Rick Wilson expressed sincere alarm that the unrestrained Trump will turn his Iran war adventurism into a full-fledged international catastrophe because he refuses to concede that his second term in office is a growing failure.

According to Wilson, “He knows that this war has slipped from his control, and that would cement the public image of failure in a way that nothing would dislodge. Meanwhile, he’s out there braying that ‘to the victor belong the spoils,’ envisioning a future where he’s looting Iran’s ruins for oil and ego props. Good luck with that.”

Calling Trump’s Easter day message “Praise be to Allah” a “move of transcendent stupidity. It wasn’t a masterstroke; it was a toddler throwing a lit match into a room full of gasoline just to see the pretty colors,” he added, “The most damning part of this entire burlesque? Everyone in that room with him, at any time, from the sycophants in the Cabinet to his terrified aides lurking in the wings, knows the truth.”

Trump’s inner circle knows, “... he is utterly, fundamentally incapable of understanding the gravity of the fire he’s ignited. All of them: the military team, the intelligence folks, the State Department, Susie Wiles. All of them know. Marco knows. So does J.D. So does Scott Bessent. He’s killing our nation, and they’re his little handmaidens,” Wilson accused.

“The economic fallout will be a masterclass in self-inflicted systemic collapse, a fiscal Hindenburg ignited by a man who thinks ‘macroeconomics’ is a type of pasta. As he pivots from one manufactured crisis to the next, the global markets, which crave stability the way Trump craves a camera lens or a ... model, are already pricing in the ‘Chaos Premium,’” he wrote. “We’re looking at an energy crisis to rival the 1970s, a supply chain decapitation that will make the pandemic look like a minor logistics hiccup, coupled with an inflationary spiral that will turn the average American’s 401(k) into a very expensive stack of kindling.”

Adding, “He detonates a new crisis to incinerate the headlines of the last one. It’s a scorched-earth policy applied to domestic PR, and it’s going to lead us into a darkness we aren’t prepared for. He’ll keep throwing matches until there’s nothing left to burn, convinced all the while that the explosions are actually applause,” he observed that the 25th Amendment should be on the table but it won’t because,” those who have the power to remove Trump are “... too busy measuring the drapes for their own political survival, for their 2028 runs, for their modified limited hangout walkbacks of the near and far future. No one should ever let any of his minions and minders anywhere near power or responsibility again, and it’s on us if we do.”

According to two former diplomats, the injection of religious fervor by Donald Trump and Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth into the Iran war is a gift to the mullahs of the embattled country that will only make things worse.

On MS NOW’s “Morning Joe” contributor Sam Stein noted that Hegseth made a strained comparison between a downed US airman emerging from a cave to be saved and Jesus over the Easter weekend, which has the effect of making the US attacks less about Middle Eastern geopolitics and more like a Christian crusade.

Speaking with former National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan, Stein asked, “When you frame war in matters of theology, when you have the president mocking Islam in his tweets or Truth Social posts, how does that play with the leadership in Iran? How will they view this war? When you have the defense secretary talking like that?”

“Well, it does two things,” Sullivan began. “First, in a way, it plays into their hands because these guys are theocrats themselves. And so the idea of having a holy war against the Great Satan, the United States and the Little Satan, Israel, is core to their identity and core to their argument, to their own people who they were just mowing down. You got to back us in this holy war. So it really plays on the turf of the Iranian mullahs and clerics.”

MS NOW host Joe Scarborough added, “The continued deification, to follow up on what Jake said, you know, and having people coming in; scam preachers, phony preachers coming in saying Donald Trump is Jesus Christ, it's grotesque... And yet every single day. And what they're doing is, Jake's exactly right. They are turning this into a crusade. They are literally playing right into Iran’s hands, right into the Revolutionary Guards’ hands.”

Former president of the Council on Foreign Relations Richard Haass agreed.

“Absolutely,” he replied. “And again, it works against the idea of compromise. For the Iranian this has become an existential conflict. For us, this is still a limited conflict. It's very hard to prevail in a limited conflict when you're up against someone who basically feels if they lose, they're gone.”

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Donald Trump is champing at the bit to launch devastating strikes on Iran's critical infrastructure, making dark jokes about the attack to his inner circle even as mediators desperately work to broker a last-minute deal before his 8 p.m. ET Tuesday deadline.

According to reporting from Axios's Barak Ravid and Marc Caputo, Trump is the most hawkish person in his entire administration — far more aggressive than Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth or Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who are being unfairly blamed for pushing escalation.

"The president is the most bloodthirsty, like a mad dog," one Trump insider told Axios, downplaying narratives that other cabinet members are the real warmongers. "Those guys sound like the doves compared to the president."

Trump has begun testing advisers and confidants on his plan to strike power plants and bridges by using coded language: "What do you think of Infrastructure Day?"

A senior administration official acknowledged the brutal reality of the situation: "If the president sees a deal is coming together, he'll probably hold off. But only he and he alone makes that decision." A defense official said they were "skeptical" there would be any extension this time around.

Trump's negotiating team is pushing for a deal. Vice President JD Vance, Steve Witkoff, and Jared Kushner believe Trump should pursue a ceasefire agreement if possible. But they're being outflanked by international pressure in the opposite direction.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Saudi Arabia's leadership, the UAE, and Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) are all urging Trump to reject a ceasefire unless Iran makes seemingly impossible concessions: reopening the Strait of Hormuz and relinquishing highly enriched uranium.

Trump's advisers told mediators the president would need positive signals from Iran to consider extending the deadline. "We're knee-deep in negotiations, anything can happen," one said.

But time is running out. "It will be extremely tense until Tuesday at 8pm," a U.S. source close to Trump said, underscoring the stakes of what could be a catastrophic escalation.

With the possibility of Republicans losing majority control of the House already a foregone conclusion, Senate Republicans have announced plans to spend over $342 million to forestall the same fate in their chamber.

The spending list tells the story: Republicans are being forced to defend seats in states where they have traditionally been favored to win by large margins.

According to Politico's Finya Swi, the super PAC's initial ad reservation stretches deep into traditionally Republican territory, a sign that Democrats are making unexpected inroads.

Ohio is receiving the largest investment: $79 million to defend the seat previously held by Vice President JD Vance. Sen. Jon Husted (R-OH), who replaced Vance, will likely face former Sen. Sherrod Brown — a formidable challenger who narrowly lost to Sen. Bernie Moreno in 2024.

North Carolina is the second-largest target at $71 million. Former Republican National Committee chair Michael Whatley is facing off against popular Democratic former Gov. Roy Cooper in what's expected to be "the most expensive race," according to reports to The New York Times.

The super PAC also allocated $42 million previously in January to help reelect Sen. Susan Collins in Maine — another traditionally Republican state now viewed as competitive.

The spending list also includes Alaska and Iowa, suggesting the GOP super PAC is bracing for "significant political headwinds in the midterms."

One notable omission reveals internal GOP anxiety: Texas is conspicuously absent from the spending list. Sen. John Cornyn, backed by the Senate Leadership Fund, faces Attorney General Ken Paxton in a May primary runoff. National Republicans have privately feared that a Paxton candidacy could put the seat — traditionally one of the safest Republican seats in the nation — in actual play.

The massive spending operation reportedly underscores a harsh reality: House control appears lost, and the Senate majority is now under serious threat.

Any hope Rep. Jim Jordan (R-OH) may have about his future in the House will hinge in large part on the far-right Freedom Caucus, which has lost faith in him at a time there are rumors he is positioning himself to climb the leadership ladder.

For the Ohio Republican, the Freedom Caucus has an easy path to kill his dreams in much the same way former House Speaker Kevin McCarthy (R-CA) not only lost his battle, but eventually walked away from his seat.

According to NOTUS's Reese Gorman, Jordan has undergone a dramatic transformation from the controversial bomb-thrower who made him a national political figure.

"Jim completely changed his tack," said one senior Republican who opposed Jordan for speaker in 2023. "He knew that for any chance for him to ascend to a top leadership role, or any leadership role for that matter, he was going to have to shed the wrestler Jim and become a little bit more congenial, workable, friendly and civil."

Freedom Caucus members are disgusted by what they view as capitulation.

"Some of his angling is frustrating to some on the right," one Freedom Caucus member told NOTUS. Another was blunter: "Jordan has become milquetoast."

The criticism goes beyond tone. "It's disappointing to have watched him water himself down and not take up any kind of real fights. The FISA bill is a perfect example," this member said. "That's not the Jim Jordan that a lot of people remember. He's basically watering himself down, changing his views, in order to move himself in the middle. I hope that this is just a temporary thing, but he's not the fighter that he once was."

But there's a deeper problem: unhealed wounds. During his previous speaker bid, Jordan's outside supporters inundated members and their families with threats and harassing text messages — a campaign of intimidation that hasn't been forgotten.

Jordan condemned the harassment on multiple occasions, saying "no American should accost another for their beliefs" and that it was "just wrong." But his words couldn't erase the menacing outreach members' families received.

The arithmetic for Jordan's future is grim. If Republicans win back the majority, he's the obvious choice for promotion — and an obvious speaker candidate. But "there's still a significant subset of members who don't want to see him with the gavel."

"When you flip and you win the majority, he gets promoted, and then he becomes a speaker candidate," one member said. "I personally don't like the thought of him being a speaker."

Donald Trump’s Easter Sunday post that menaced Iran with more threats amid severe expletives led a retired general to suggest the president needs to be taken to Walter Reed National Military Medical Center for testing.

During an appearance on MS NOW’s “Morning Joe,” retired General Barry McCaffrey expressed both dismay and disgust with Trump writing, in part, “Tuesday will be Power Plant Day, and Bridge Day, all wrapped up in one, in Iran. There will be nothing like it!!!” and then oddly adding, “... you’ll be living in Hell – JUST WATCH! Praise be to Allah.”

Explaining Trump's widely condemned Easter outburst will only harden Iran’s resolve to refuse to bow to the American president, he added he found it concerning that the president would play with fire like that and then questioned Trump's mental state.

Noting what may come next, he told host Jonathan Lemire, “Well, look, are you backing off the issue on legality of certain kinds of strikes? And will we go after Kharg Island, which would be a huge mistake?”

“I think what crystallized my thinking on the danger the country is in was the unhinged tweet on Truth Social from the president; blasphemous on Easter Day,” he remarked. “It sounded like sundowner syndrome on an elderly man. Had that statement been made by a lieutenant colonel in an email to his boss in the Pentagon, literally, we would have led him out of the building and sent him over to Walter Reed.”

“But we’ve got a problem,” he warned. “I don't see how we get through two more years with the commander in chief. There's only two people that can give legal orders to the armed forces: the president of the United States and the Secretary of Defense, and both of them are shaky figures. So we got a real problem.”

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A Donald Trump memo on Friday ordering the Department of Homeland Security to “provide each and every employee of D.H.S. with the compensation and benefits” they’d have earned if the department weren’t shut down looks good on paper but is worthless with congressional approval.

According to MS NOW's Hayes Brown in an article called Trump’s DHS paycheck promise is a major problem, Trump's memo is a political sleight of hand designed to score points while avoiding congressional responsibility. "Until Congress says otherwise, the Department of Homeland Security doesn't have the money to make good on this promise."

Trump is setting another dangerous precedent that threatens the balance of power in America. By promising to pay DHS employees out of money Congress never appropriated, the president is claiming executive authority that doesn't exist.

The memo builds on an earlier directive ordering Homeland Security Secretary Markwayne Mullin and OMB chief Russ Vought to find the money for TSA backpay by redirecting funds from other agency accounts. The administration has never publicly explained which funding streams were actually tapped — though it's possible ICE and Border Patrol budgets were raided to cover the costs.

"Use funds that have a reasonable and logical nexus to TSA operations to provide TSA employees with the compensation and benefits that would have accrued to them," the earlier memo instructed.

Friday's new memo is equally vague about which accounts will be plundered to pay more than a quarter-million DHS employees. It merely declares that once Congress restores funding, "every effort should be made" to "adjust applicable funding accounts within DHS" to essentially make it like this whole thing never happened.

The financial shell game was already troubling when limited to TSA workers. Applying the same logic to the entire DHS workforce — without any new appropriation from Congress — is a constitutional breach that can't be accepted as settled.

Here's the fundamental problem: there is no presidential American Express card. Trump cannot spend money Congress hasn't appropriated, no matter how many memos he signs or how politically appealing the gesture appears.

The White House is betting no one will challenge this power grab. After all, who wants to sue to recover money from FEMA staffers? But that political calculation shouldn't prevent defending constitutional safeguards. "The safeguards that prevent the Treasury itself from becoming an at-will checking account for the executive branch should be defended at all costs."

Elon Musk's bodyguards were granted federal law enforcement authority without basic training or experience — a shocking breach of security protocols that allowed the world's wealthiest person's security detail to move through federal buildings with deputized agent credentials they had no business carrying.

According to reporting from MS NOW's David Ingram and Ryan J. Reilly, the U.S. Marshals Service released emails and documents obtained by Democracy Forward, a progressive advocacy group that sued to access the records. The revelations expose how corners were cut to accommodate Musk during his brief tenure as a senior adviser to President Trump overseeing the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) from January through May.

The timeline exposes the casual disregard for federal law enforcement standards. In early February, as Musk was actively working to dismantle federal agencies like the U.S. Agency for International Development, the Marshals Service began considering deputizing his security detail.

But there was an obvious problem: Musk's bodyguards didn't meet basic federal law enforcement requirements.

According to an email dated February 10, at least some members of Musk's security detail lacked the fundamental credentials necessary for deputization. Specifically, "they had not successfully completed a 'basic law enforcement training program' or did not possess at least one year of law enforcement experience with an agency that had general arrest authority."

That should have been the end of it. Instead, it was merely a speedbump.

Just three days later, Rich Kelly, the Marshals Service's associate director for operations and the agency's third-in-command, authorized waivers granting the bodyguards exceptions to the standard eligibility requirements.

Kelly, a career official, retired in September and declined to comment on the decision. The documents indicate the deputation was officially granted in the second week of February 2025 and was scheduled to remain in effect for two years.

It remains unclear whether the Marshals Service has since ended the special deputation status — or if Musk's bodyguards still retain federal law enforcement credentials they were never qualified to hold.