Buenos Aires (AFP) - Argentina is trying to solve a medical mystery after 57 sailors were infected with the coronavirus after 35 days at sea, despite the entire crew testing negative before leaving port.The Echizen Maru fishing trawler returned to port after some of its crew began exhibiting symptoms typical of COVID-19, the health ministry for the southern Tierra del Fuego province said Monday.According to the ministry, 57 sailors, out of 61 crew members, were diagnosed with the virus after undergoing a new test.However, all of the crew members had undergone 14 days of mandatory quarantine at...
Stories Chosen For You
A new report from Axios claims that allies of former President Donald Trump are worried that an inside source gave the Department of Justice information about the documents he was storing in Mar-a-Lago.
According to the publication's sources, "Trumpworld is abuzz with speculation about which close aide or aides has "flipped" and provided additional sensitive information to the FBI about what former President Trump was keeping at Mar-a-Lago."
The report goes on to state that the atmosphere of "mistrust and paranoia" in Trump's inner circle has only "intensified" in the wake of the raid.
While it's not known what the DOJ was seeking with the search of Mar-a-Lago, multiple reports have claimed that DOJ lawyers had been in talks with Trump representatives about his retention of classified documents.
The question remains as to why the DOJ decided to execute a search warrant at Mar-a-Lago this week specifically, which has led to speculation that an inside source may have tipped them off to new evidence about the materials Trump was keeping in his private residence.
By William Melhado, The Texas Tribune
Aug. 10, 2022
For New Mexico state Rep. Micaela Lara Cadena, the arrival of a new abortion clinic in Las Cruces, the city she represents, is surreal. Over the years, there hasn’t been consistent access to the procedure as providers came and went.
But now — weeks after the U.S. Supreme Court revoked the constitutional right to an abortion — the clinic at the heart of that decision has relocated from Mississippi to the city just across the Texas border of El Paso. It’s one of several clinics to announce its move to New Mexico in recent weeks.
It has quickly become Texas’ only neighboring state to protect abortion access and one of the few “haven” states in the southwest. People there have been preparing for a deluge of abortion-seekers — and those who want to stop the state from offering the procedure at all.
“Now people are coming from across the country — at great stress, great exhaustion, great trauma — to arrive in our community, where likely they will be met by a handful of angry protesters, so that they can access health care,” Lara Cadena told The Texas Tribune.
Close behind those traveling to Las Cruces for care are activists like prominent anti-abortion advocate Mark Lee Dickson, who helped Texas towns ban abortion before Roe. v Wade was overturned. The ordinances he championed served as the model for Texas legislation that severely limited when an abortion could be performed, which the Supreme Court declined to block.
Now, Dickson hopes to eliminate some of the next closest options as he tries to expand city abortion bans to conservative-leaning New Mexico towns.
“Southeast New Mexico feels a lot like Texas,” Dickson told the Tribune.
Aware of the looming threat, local leaders and abortion clinics opening in New Mexico remain confident that protections in the state constitution will prevent Dickson from gaining ground.
“We don’t need any outsiders coming here to try to mess with our autonomy and our capacity to shape our own families,” Lara Cadena said. “So when I hear all these activists coming over, I say, ‘Bring it.’”
Dickson isn’t oblivious to the legal and political barriers he’ll face in a state that leans Democratic.
“No matter what state we’re looking at, there’s a way to do this. And sometimes it’s a matter of challenging laws. I mean, that’s how we’ve gotten where we’re at today,” he said.
Las Cruces, New Mexico, the city that state Rep. Micaela Lara Cadena represents, is about 25 miles from the Texas border, making it a likely destination for Texans seeking abortions. Credit: Emily Kinskey for The Texas Tribune
A history of interference
Lara Cadena said this isn’t the first time out-of-state interests have come to New Mexico to shape policy. Texas’ history of trying to impose itself on its western neighbor stretches back to at least 1841, when Mirabeau Buonaparte Lamar, the Republic of Texas’ second president, unsuccessfully tried to persuade the people of Santa Fe to join his country.
Even on the issue of abortion, New Mexico has seen previous external attempts to influence policy.
After the murder of George Tiller, a Kansas physician who provided late-term abortions, in 2009, some of his colleagues relocated to Albuquerque to continue providing care. But it wasn’t long before anti-abortion groups based in Kansas followed them and continued a campaign to impede physicians’ work by filing complaints against them with the New Mexico medical board.
In 2013, anti-abortion groups attempted to outlaw late-term abortions in Albuquerque through a ballot initiative. The measure failed by over 10 points. And today, New Mexico again finds itself on the receiving end of these out-of-state influences, this time from an anti-abortion activist who has a proven track record.
Dickson’s previous efforts have had an outsized impact on the reproductive rights of Texans. In small towns across the state, he lobbied local leaders and voters to ban abortions within their municipalities, establishing “sanctuary cities for the unborn.” Those ordinances included private enforcement mechanisms, empowering individual citizens to bring civil lawsuits against anyone who helps someone get an abortion. That made it very hard to challenge the ordinances on the grounds that a government entity was violating the constitutional protection for abortion that existed at the time.
A similar enforcement mechanism was at the heart of Texas Senate Bill 8, which enabled lawsuits for abortions performed after around six weeks of pregnancy. Months before overturning Roe v. Wade, the U.S. Supreme Court refused to strike down SB 8 and its private enforcement mechanism.
Dickson concedes that convincing New Mexico towns like Hobbs, Eunice, Jal, Lovington and Clovis — all less than 20 miles from Texas — to try and ban the procedure could take time, but he’s patient.
“We believe it’s possible see all these cities pass ordinances that outlaw abortion that can survive court challenges,” Dickson said.
Abortion rights advocates disagree. Many working to improve access to reproductive care see New Mexico as a stronghold state where people can seek an abortion. Laura Schauer Ives, a New Mexico civil rights attorney, attributes that to two components of the state’s constitution.
The equal rights amendment of the New Mexico constitution extends medical care protections to all residents regardless of gender. She said that includes abortions, since the Legislature and governor last year repealed a 1969 abortion ban that previously criminalized the procedure.
Schauer Ives also noted New Mexico’s constitution is structured in such a way that neither counties nor municipalities can pass ordinances that are inconsistent with state laws. This preemption, Schauer Ives said, prohibits cities from passing ordinances about health care, which falls under the state’s jurisdiction.
“Our laws in New Mexico would undoubtedly protect and respect a woman’s right to make her own decisions about her own body with her doctor,” said Schauer Ives.
She added that Texans traveling to her state for reproductive care can be confident that no effort by out-of-state influences will change that.
Still, local officials in some parts of the state have started to voice opposition to abortion. Otero County, on the southern border of New Mexico, passed a nonbinding resolution in July declaring the county as a “sanctuary for life.” Alamogordo, the largest city in Otero County, approved a similar resolution last week.
Ellie Rushforth, a reproductive rights attorney with American Civil Liberties Union in New Mexico, sent letters to both governing bodies reminding them that resolutions have no force of law and “any attempt to enforce it would be a violation of the New Mexico Constitution and state law.”
Any enforcement attempts would almost certainly result in litigation, Rushforth said. She estimated that any local entity trying to enforce a ban on abortion would have to spend tens of thousands of taxpayer dollars to defend their attempt.
“We will never abandon our communities and loved ones in Texas who are stranded in a place that has turned their back on them,” Rushforth said.
Do “not concede any small thing”
In addition to the opening of Pink House West — the new iteration of the now-closed Jackson Women’s Health Organization — New Mexico communities along the Texas border likely will see another health care clinic providing abortions with the arrival of Whole Woman’s Health. The provider recently closed the doors to its four clinics in Texas. Whole Woman’s Health plans to open somewhere just across the border to serve Texans traveling for abortions.
Amy Hagstrom Miller, the organization’s president and CEO, told The Texas Tribune that the continued efforts to curtail abortion rights have provided her team with lots of experience on how to best combat anti-abortion regulations.
And she has some advice for New Mexicans who can anticipate the full force of Texas’ anti-abortion advocates: Do “not concede any small thing.”
She pointed to Texas’ previous six-week ban and 24-hour waiting period that Republican legislators once presented as compromises.
“It’s a strategy to make the next restriction they decide to introduce sound reasonable,” Hagstrom Miller said.
Such efforts, she said, are out of step with what the public wants. Last Tuesday, Kansans — who consistently support conservative presidential candidates — voted to maintain the right to an abortion in the state’s constitution, offering one of the first electoral indicators about the public’s reaction to the overturning of Roe v. Wade.
While Texans have been left without access to the procedure, Schauer Ives said New Mexicans — and those who travel to the state — still have that choice available to them. She and others are ready to protect it.
“It’s what really defines our freedom, it’s what defines our humanity,” she said. “What decisions do we get to make for ourselves versus what decisions can the legislature make, what decisions can the populace make for us?”
The full program is now LIVE for the 2022 The Texas Tribune Festival, happening Sept. 22-24 in Austin. Explore the schedule of 100+ mind-expanding conversations coming to TribFest, including the inside track on the 2022 elections and the 2023 legislative session, the state of public and higher ed at this stage in the pandemic, why Texas suburbs are booming, why broadband access matters, the legacy of slavery, what really happened in Uvalde and so much more. See the program.
This article originally appeared in The Texas Tribune at https://www.texastribune.org/2022/08/10/texas-abortion-sanctuary-city-new-mexico/.
The Texas Tribune is a member-supported, nonpartisan newsroom informing and engaging Texans on state politics and policy. Learn more at texastribune.org.
The menu at The Canteen in southwest England doesn't just let diners know how much a dish costs. They can also check its carbon footprint.
The carrot and beetroot pakora with yoghurt sauce is responsible for just 16 grams of CO2 emissions. The aubergines with a miso and harissa sauce with tabbouleh and Zaatar toast caused 675 grams of carbon dioxide.
As customers weigh their options, the menu at the vegetarian restaurant in Bristol includes a comparison with a dish that it does not serve: the emissions from a UK-produced hamburger.
"Three kilos for a burger, wow! I can't believe it," exclaimed Enyioma Anomelechi, a 37-year-old diner sipping a beer outside in the sunshine.
The menu notes that a real beef burger's emissions is "10 times the amount of its vegan alternative".
The carbon footprints of businesses and consumers have come under growing scrutiny as countries scramble to limit global temperature increases to 1.5 degrees Celsius and to achieve net-zero emission by 2050.
The Canteen became in July the first restaurant to agree to put its carbon footprint on the menu under a campaign spearheaded by UK vegan campaigning charity Viva!
The restaurant's manager, Liam Stock, called the move a way to "see what we are doing; to understand and improve ourselves".
The average British person has an annual carbon footprint of more than 10 tonnes, according to UK government figures.
Britain has set the ambitious goal of reducing harmful emissions by 78 percent by 2035, compared with 1990 figures, in order to meet its international climate change commitments.
Switching to a plant-based diet is one of the most effective ways for an individual to reduce their carbon footprint, experts from the UN's Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change said in April.
The livestock industry replaces CO2-absorbing forests with land for grazing and soy crops for cattle feed. The animals also belch huge amounts of methane, a potent greenhouse gas.
Whether diners will let carbon footprints influence their order choices remains to be seen, but Stock said the menu innovation has stoked interest and support.
"In England if you're a big chain restaurant, it's the law that you have to have calories on (the menu)," he said.
"But a lot of people are saying... they're more interested in carbon."
While Anomelechi noted the "huge" difference in emissions between a hamburger and other dishes, he said he did not necessarily want to be burdened with knowing his order's calorie count or carbon footprint.
"When I go out to eat I just want to enjoy," he added, noting he would be more inclined to change his ways when grocery shopping.
Laura Hellwig, campaigns manager at Viva!, said the carbon footprint figure should become compulsory.
"We are in a climate emergency and consumers have to be able to make informed choices," said the activist.
In her view, "most people would actually choose for the planet" if confronted with a comparison between the carbon footprint of a meat-based meal and a vegan dish.
'Cradle to store'
Stock said he knew his restaurant's dishes would score low carbon footprints, as most of his ingredients are sourced regionally.
"We didn't have to change anything," he said, while admitting some surprises, such as learning that imported spices drive up emissions.
To calculate the dishes' footprints, The Canteen sent its recipes and the source of the ingredients to a specialized company called MyEmissions.
It is able to calculate the carbon impact from "cradle to store", taking into account farming, processing, transport and packaging.
"If I was choosing between two dishes, maybe depending on how hungry I was, I might choose the one with a lower footprint," said Nathan Johnson, a 43-year-old diner at the restaurant.
That day, he opted for the chef's salad, which racks up 162 grams of carbon.
Another diner, 29-year-old Emma Harvey, also backed the idea of increased awareness of carbon footprints "and the ethical effects of the food that we're eating".
"We have to incorporate things (like) that into everyday life," she said.
© 2022 AFP