Trump's empty promise is growing old
Nick Anderson is a Pulitzer Prize-winning editorial cartoonist.
Nick Anderson is a Pulitzer Prize-winning editorial cartoonist.
Friends,
I do not wish Trump ill. While he hasn’t shown a shred of compassion for anyone other than himself, this doesn’t justify our lacking compassion for him.
It’s also in the interest of America and the world that he be physically and mentally able to discharge the duties of his office.
So we have reason to be concerned about Trump’s visit to Walter Reed National Military Medical Center early Tuesday for what the White House called a “routine annual dental and medical assessment.”
Trump turns 80 next month. I feel entitled to comment on the practical meaning of this milestone because I’ll also turn 80 next month (he was born 10 days before me).
Let’s just say that reaching it doesn’t mean altogether good things, unless you consider the alternative.
Even in a healthy person, small things begin to break down as one approaches 80. Everything takes just a bit more time and effort. Joints ache. Energy isn’t quite as abundant.
The 80-year-old mind isn’t as quick. The frontal lobe’s capacity to remember names goes. (Yesterday, I could barely remember the name of a garage mechanic whom I’ve known for nearly half a century.)
Taken separately, such minor frailties are typically no more than a personal frustration, but they begin to mount up. In a president of the United States, they can pose a major challenge to the nation and world.
Trump frequently proclaims he’s in excellent health. “Just finished my 6-month physical at Walter Reed Military Medical Center. Everything checked out PERFECTLY,” he wrote on Truth Social early yesterday afternoon. “Thank you to the great Doctors and Staff! Heading back to the White House.”
But even “PERFECTLY” is a relative concept for someone ending his seventh decade and beginning his eighth, who’s the oldest person to assume the presidency and the second-oldest to hold the office. (Joe Biden was 82 when he left in 2025.)
Presidents aren’t legally required to release their medical records, but, given the effluvium of lies in which Trump permanently floats, we’d be excused if we didn’t entirely trust this PERFECTLY report.
Plus, there are his bruised hands, swollen ankles, bouts of drowsiness, exceedingly long blinks during official meetings (some call them “naps”), and erratic — if not off-the-charts weird — behavior.
Add in the frequency of his health “checkups.”
Tuesday’s visit to Walter Reed was Trump’s third in-person doctor’s visit in a little over a year. His first physical of this term of office was in mid-April last year. He returned in early October for a “semiannual physical.” In early January, he had what was described as a brief dental appointment. Earlier this month, another dental appointment. Followed by his return to Walter Reed on Tuesday for his third “annual” physical in 13 months.
Consider also the shifting explanations. In July, Navy Capt. Sean Barbabella, Trump’s physician, explained that bruises on Trump’s right hand were “consistent with minor soft tissue irritation from frequent handshaking.” The explanation seemed plausible until the bruises spread to his left hand.
Then there’s the changing story about Trump’s scans. In December he told reporters that he’d had an MRI in October but wasn’t sure what part of his body was scanned. “It wasn’t the brain,” he said, defensively, “because I took a cognitive test and I aced it.” Barbabella then issued a memo explaining it had been a scan of his heart and abdomen, and that in both cases the advanced imaging was “perfectly normal.”
In January, Trump altered his story to say it was a CT scan rather than an MRI. Why? Trump being Trump, he doesn’t want anyone to know anything about his health that might reveal something he fears enemies and critics might see as a weakness.
“In retrospect, it’s too bad I took [the scan] because it gave them a little ammunition,” Trump said. “I would have been a lot better off if [I] didn’t, because the fact that I took it said, ‘Oh gee, is something wrong?’ Well, nothing’s wrong.”
What’s he afraid of? Probably that the American public will catch on to his rapidly diminishing capacities.
Three years ago, according to a Washington Post-ABC News-Ipsos poll, only 28 percent of the public thought Trump insufficiently healthy to hold the nation’s highest office. Earlier this month, the same poll found that 55 percent of the public thought his health insufficient for him to serve effectively.
Behind the public’s mounting worries is a growing sense that Trump isn’t mentally all there.
Physical and mental health aren’t easily separated, especially as one reaches 80. I often can’t remember where I put my wallet and keys or why I’ve entered a room. I also have less patience than I used to. I’m less tolerant of long waiting lines, automated phone menus, and Republicans.
But if Trump can’t remember where he put, say, a top-secret memo or why he entered the Situation Room, or if he expresses bizarre impatience, it’s a potential risk to the nation and world.
Worse, Trump is exhibiting clear symptoms of dementia.
“Open the F----’ Strait, you crazy b-----ds, or you’ll be living in Hell,” Trump exploded on his social media Easter morning, adding an Islamic prayer to the end of the post.
The following Tuesday he threatened that unless Iran struck a deal in 12 hours, its whole civilization would die.
When Iran shot down two U.S. airmen, aides who were getting minute-by-minute updates reportedly kept Trump out of the Situation Room because they believed his impatience wouldn’t be helpful, a senior administration official said.
Then came Trump’s rant against the pope.
“Pope Leo is WEAK on Crime, and terrible for Foreign Policy. … I like his brother Louis much better than I like him, because Louis is all MAGA. He gets it, and Leo doesn’t! … Leo should get his act together as Pope, use Common Sense, stop catering to the Radical Left, and focus on being a Great Pope, not a Politician. It’s hurting him very badly and, more importantly, it’s hurting the Catholic Church!”
During a subsequent Q&A with reporters, Trump doubled down: “I don’t think he’s doing a very good job. He likes crime, I guess. … I am not a fan of Pope Leo.”
Days later Trump posted an AI-generated portrait of himself as a kind of American Jesus. When this caused a wave of criticism and outrage (much of it from fundamentalist Christians), he insisted he was portraying himself “as a doctor, making people better.”
Rather than helping Republicans in the upcoming midterm elections by, for example, embarking on an “affordability tour” (as White House aides have urged him to do), Trump has been on a “revenge tour” against Republican members of Congress he deems insufficiently loyal — a gambit that may cost Republicans dearly in the midterms.
At yesterday’s Cabinet meeting, Trump touted the primary wins of Republicans he endorsed, including yesterday’s Texas victory of Ken Paxton over incumbent Republican Senator John Cornyn.
Paxton carries more baggage than the U.S. Postal Service — including abuse-of-office allegations from his top staff, an indictment for securities fraud, impeachment by Texas’s Republican House, and an ongoing divorce initiated by his wife, who alleges adultery — which will help the Democratic challenger, James Talarico.
Yet Trump insisted at the Cabinet meeting that “I don’t care about the midterms.” He was referring to Iranian officials who “thought they were going to outwait me” by relying on mounting political pressures to force him to give up, but he might as well have been talking about the blowback from his revenge tour.
Trump ended yesterday’s Cabinet meeting with further evidence of his mental decline in another rant against Somali-Americans. “The Somalians, what they’ve done to Minnesota, the Somalians, crooked as hell. Ilhan Omar, crooked as hell,” he said, in reference to the Democratic congresswoman from Minnesota. “They’re all crooks, and we got them, we got them. Now we’re putting the clamps on,” Trump said.
His antipathy toward Somali-Americans is growing, with his dementia. In December, weeks before ICE went on a rampage in Minneapolis, Trump claimed Somalis made Minnesota a “hellhole,” saying “the Somalians should be out of here. They’ve destroyed our country.” Of Somalia-born Omar, Trump said, “she shouldn’t be allowed to be a congresswoman, and I’m sure people are looking at that. She should be thrown the hell out of our country.” A day earlier, he called the congresswoman “garbage,” saying he didn’t want Somalis in the U.S.
Can you imagine any other president of the United States singling out a group of foreign-born Americans like this? Of course not.
The evidence continues to mount. Trump is both physically and mentally incapable of discharging the duties of president of the United States.
The sooner the 25th Amendment is invoked, or he is impeached, the safer America and the world will be.
There is nothing that Donald Trump and his corrupt cronies would love more than to rewrite history and make January 6, 2021, into nothing more than an overhyped little protest rather than the violent insurrection that everyone knows it was.
So it’s vitally important that we continue to scream and stomp our collective feet about the $1.776 taxpayer-funded slush fund created by the sleazebag acting attorney general, Todd Blanche, for his boss in the Oval Office. It’s designed as a payoff for the crazed thugs who stormed the Capitol that fateful day, because it apparently wasn’t quite enough for the “president” to have pardoned them.
Metropolitan Police Department officer Daniel Hodges and former U.S. Capitol Police officer Harry Dunn have sued to block the creation of the fund, calling it, “The most brazen act of presidential corruption this century.”
That’s actually underselling it.
The reason why this is so fraudulent and unthinkable speaks to the horror that went down that infamous day. And while the story has been told numerous times, regular reminders of its terror and scope are essential to be sure it doesn’t fade from memory.
Start with the fact that Hodges and Dunn defended the Capitol and the lawmakers inside it (including Republicans who have struggled to minimize its scale) that day. Hodges was the man in the infamous photograph of the violent mob crushing a cop between metal doors.
Let’s remember that the carnage began shortly after noon, when rioters tried to break into the building to stop the counting of the electoral votes that would make Joe Biden president. Hours of hand-to-hand combat ensued as police struggled in vain to hold the insurrectionists back from killing elected officials and their staff.
On the west front of the Capitol, rioters broke down barriers and assaulted officers, spraying them with chemicals and hitting them with pipes, tools, and stolen bike racks. After finally busting through the police line and breaching the Capitol, they smashed windows, stalked the halls, chanted for the execution of Vice President Mike Pence and defiled the offices.
The advancing mob punched officers, speared them with flagpoles, attacked them with tasers and stolen riot shields, and worked to drag them into the crowd with the intent of seriously injuring or killing them. They engaged in an almost medieval style of combat, screaming and smashing and clawing and attempting to crush officers with their sheer weight and volume.
Hodges alleges in his lawsuit that he was “hit from above with a heavy object, kicked in the chest and driven to the ground. A rioter then grabbed Hodges by the face and tried to gouge out his eyes, unsuccessfully. As Hodges and his fellow officers fought to stop the rioters from flooding into the building, he was sandwiched between the metal doors by the enraged attackers.
It took more than three hours following the Capitol breach for Trump and his Department of Defense to (reluctantly) approve and dispatch the D.C. National Guard. It is all without precedent in American history.
Some 140 officers were injured in the January 6 attack, ranging from concussions and chemical burns to broken bones, traumatic brain injuries, crushed spinal discs, and other serious trauma. These rioters were not fooling around. They were intent on revenge and felt their role in American history was to take out anyone who got in their way.
Several officers who responded so heroically that day later died by suicide, including Howard Liebengood and Jeffrey Smith. It is unfathomable that any sentient human being could see what happened and come to any conclusion other than the group of marauders were trespassing criminals hellbent on retribution.
Yet somehow, according to the Department of “Justice,” it was ultimately the Biden Administration that was “weaponized” against these criminals. They were wronged by being prosecuted after committing an act of armed rebellion. And now it’s up to you and me to foot the bill.
It should be noted that Hodges and Dunn feel justified in suing to stop the fund because they’ve had to live with constant death threats and harassment from the brainwashed MAGA hordes.
Their suit notes that any payoff to these rioters “will both compensate and empower the very people making those threats. Militias like the Proud Boys will use money from the Fund to arm and equip themselves…Most chillingly, it will signal to past and potential future perpetrators of violence against Dunn and Hodges that they need not fear prosecution; to the contrary, they should expect to be rewarded.”
The timing of this is naturally hardly coincidental. Signals are being sent with zero subtlety that whatever Trump’s thug militia does on his behalf to stop the midterms, they will be legally protected and nicely compensated.
As part of his ongoing campaign to make sure everyone denies the evidence supplied by their eyes and ears, Trump claims this is all a big overblown misunderstanding, and these people have all been victimized by a gross injustice.
In the era before everyone carried around their own smartphone capable of instant video, this would have been far easier. Unfortunately for Trump, the events of that day have been extensively, exhaustively documented through video, testimony and criminal prosecutions. And no one who has seen the first-hand footage from that day can emerge anything but traumatized.
Trump knows how utterly preposterous and disgusting this nearly $1.8 billion travesty is. But he doesn’t care. His sole concern is retaining complete power for another two years, the means and consequences be damned.
So vile is this fund that even many Republicans in Congress have noticed that its implementation wouldn’t be good for them. Will it force them to retain their spines once the inevitable pushback comes from their lord and master? Uncertain. My guess is they’ll ultimately cave, as that’s what they do.
But this fund is so despicable that, like the Epstein Files, it needs to remain fresh in the public consciousness. Allowing it to be normalized is not an option.
Ray Richmond is a longtime journalist/author and an adjunct professor at Chapman University in Orange, CA.
Donald Trump loves the words sleazebag and scumball, so much so that he’s surrounded himself with the very definition of those two offensive terms. And it’s hard to be more offensive than Texas GOP Senate candidate Ken Paxton, unless you’re Donald Trump, of course.
Last night, Paxton, impeached, indicted, accused of bribery, and credibly alleged to have used the Texas Attorney General’s office to benefit a donor who was simultaneously employing the woman he was having an affair with, won the Republican Senate primary in Texas by a landslide.
He is now the face of the Republican Party’s 2026 midterm campaign. And if you want to understand just how far the GOP has fallen, just how morally and ethically hollowed out it has become, look at Ken Paxton.
Well, again, look at Trump first, because the GOP has now come full circle, putting up a guy who is as big a scumbag and sleazeball as Trump.
This is a man whose career reads like a mafioso rap sheet.
The scandal-plagued career of Paxton reads like someone dared crime writer John Grisham to pen fiction about every possible form of corruption into a single Southern Gothic crime lord. Bribery. Abuse of office. An extramarital affair. A wealthy donor allegedly employing his mistress as a favor.
That same donor allegedly bankrolled renovations on Paxton’s home while Paxton’s office did him favors in return. His own conservative staffers, Republicans, people who worked for him, were so alarmed they went to the FBI. Not Democrats. Not liberal activists. His own people. Four of them later sued him, and Paxton ended up apologizing and cutting a $3.3 million check.
Did I mention he did that with taxpayer money to make it go away? Paxton’s story reads less like a Grisham novel than a Stephen King horror tome.
And still, somehow, there was more. The Republican-controlled Texas House, again, his own party, his own state, had seen enough. They drew up 20 articles of impeachment and made him only the third officeholder in Texas’ nearly 200-year history to be impeached. Twenty articles.
The list of offenses was so long it needed its own table of contents. If we’re going to compare, I suppose Paxton’s list was short, given that Trump’s would entail volumes, like an encyclopedia set, if anyone knows what that is anymore.
Just like if anyone in the GOP knows what moral and ethical values are.
Paxton was ultimately acquitted by the Texas Senate, though that had absolutely nothing to do with his innocence and more to do with his chummy colleagues saving him.
And after all of it, Donald Trump looked at this man and called him a “true MAGA Warrior” worthy of the United States Senate.
This is what the bottom of the barrel looks like, and in light of slush funds, ballrooms, gas prices, the Iran war, Trump has now taken the GOP, and his “true MAGA Warriors,” about as far down as you can go.
The GOP has come full circle. The party that once screamed moral outrage about Bill Clinton over a lie about an affair has now enthusiastically nominated a man whose corruption scandals make Clinton’s look like … how do I put this … child’s play, and no pun intended whatsoever.
The party that used to run on “character counts” has now made Paxton the poster child of the new GOP candidate. The Republican Party in 2026 has decided that corruption, scandal, and ethical rot aren’t disqualifying. No, they’re practically credentials to be included in campaign ads, because Paxton’s scandals are the only thing he’s ever accomplished in public office.
Paxton isn’t an aberration. He is a reflection. He mirrors Donald Trump almost perfectly: the indictments brushed aside as political persecution, the abuse of office recast as fighting the establishment, the personal moral failures ignored by a base that has decided winning is the only virtue that matters.
The sanctimonious heathens that are Southern Christian conservatives view Paxton as a steadfast champion of religious liberty, the pro-life movement, and traditional family values, which means anti-LGBTQ+. Like Trump, Christians give Paxton a pass.
If you take this theory at face value, the only thing Paxton hasn’t done is kill anyone — well, women in Texas did die trying to get life-saving abortions, but then again, that’s okay for the religious right, so he gets another pass. It never ends.
Emulating Trump, Paxton watched all of this, took careful notes, and ran as a mini-me Trump in Texas and won. Why wouldn’t he? The party and its base taught him that none of it matters.
And — said with glee — Paxton’s ascension is devastating for Republicans in the general election. While Trump won Texas by 14 points in 2024, Democrats believe they have a shot this year as his approval rating has dropped.
They have a candidate in James Talarico, who raised $27 million in the first quarter of 2026 alone, the largest-ever haul for a Senate candidate in any state in the first quarter of an election year.
Prediction markets now show Democrats with a 47% chance of winning the seat, up from 30% just a few months ago.
But honestly, whether Talarico turns Texas blue should be the least of Republicans’ concerns right now. Their bigger problem is that they just told every independent voter, every suburban woman, every soft Republican in the state of Texas that this is who they are.
Good for them! They deserve to be swallowed-up by the blue tsunami coming.
Ken Paxton is now a feature player in the GOP. He is what happens when a party follows Donald Trump and abandons every ethical standard imaginable. Paxton is the culmination of a decade-long race to the bottom.
The GOP made its bed. Now it gets to lie in it, right next to Ken Paxton. And I think I should stop there because that’s a dangerous and disgusting place to be.
America has 51 billionaires who made their money from our profit-driven healthcare system, the only one in the developed world. It’s not only obscene that they’re taking so much money from so many of us who have so little; it’s also killing all of us.
We’re among the worst — and most expensive — healthcare systems in the developed world, with Thailand and Ecuador even beating us out.
And the reason it stays that way, according to a shocking new study, is because about half of all white people would rather inflict pain on all of us (including themselves) than allow for a system which may also benefit Black people.
If that sounds irrational, it is. But it’s also completely consistent with a history that includes white communities closing their own schools and swimming pools back in the 1960s when LBJ forced them to allow Black children in.
Sixty-six years ago, on a campaign swing through Tennessee, Lyndon Johnson turned to his press secretary Bill Moyers in a hotel room and explained, with the bluntness of a man who’d grown up watching it work in Texas, why America couldn’t have nice things.
“If you can convince the lowest white man he’s better than the best colored man,” LBJ said, “he won’t notice you picking his pocket. Hell, give him somebody to look down on, and he’ll empty his pockets for you.”
Moyers wrote about it years later in The Washington Post, and the line has been quoted ever since because it explained, in one sentence, the entire arc of “conservative” behavior from Reconstruction to Nixon to Reagan to Trump.
Last week, a pair of political scientists at the University of Delaware put empirical meat on the bones of what Johnson learned the hard way. Sumeyye Mine Iltekin Gocer and Joanne M. Miller, writing in the peer-reviewed journal Research and Politics, surveyed more than 700 white Americans and split them into two groups.
One group was asked whether white Americans were winning or losing politically. The other was asked whether white Americans were winning or losing compared to racial minorities. Both were then asked how they felt about economic redistribution programs like food stamps and Medicaid, the things that put food on tables and keep people from dying of treatable diseases.
The first group’s answers tracked roughly with their income and ideology. The second group, the ones prompted to think about race before answering, turned against redistribution across the board, even programs that would obviously benefit them, even when they themselves were poor.
The mere act of comparing themselves to Black and brown Americans made them willing to sacrifice their own healthcare, their own paycheck, their own kid’s future, as long as people of color were sacrificed too.
That’s the trap. That’s how a country with the largest economy in human history ends up as the only developed nation on Earth without universal healthcare, the only rich country where 600,000 people a year still go bankrupt because somebody in the family got sick, and where, alone among our peer nations, we’ve built an entire group of healthcare billionaires on the simple business model of denying claims and pocketing the difference.
There are now fifty-one of them. Fifty-one Americans whose ten-figure fortunes exist because we refused, decade after decade, to do what every other developed country figured out by the 1970s.
Becker’s Hospital Review crunched the latest Forbes list and counted them up: hospital chain heirs like Thomas Frist Jr. at $41.1 billion, medical-device dynasties like the Cooks and the Strykers, pharma fortunes, insurance fortunes, and a long tail of executives who got fabulously wealthy off the misery of people trying to pay for chemo.
Some who became morbidly rich off healthcare even went into politics like Senator Rick Scott, whose company committed the largest Medicare fraud in American history when he was CEO. Others simply pour millions into buying Republican politicians and judges to maintain the profitable status quo.
These billionaires exist nowhere else in the developed world for a simple reason: no other developed country has set up its healthcare system so that human sickness is a profit center.
From Nixon‘s Southern Strategy to Bush’s Willie Horton ads to Trump’s racist birtherism, scaring White people about Black people has been the go-to position of the GOP since the 1960s. And stopping “socialism” that may benefit Black or Hispanic people is at it’s core.
Canada doesn’t have hospital billionaires. France doesn’t have insurance billionaires. We do, and we have fifty-one of them, and the reason we do is the reason LBJ named in that hotel room.
The people who’d benefit most from a national healthcare system are the people who keep voting against it. Look at the map. Of the 10 states that still refuse to expand Medicaid under the Affordable Care Act, seven are former Confederate states with large Black populations.
Alabama, Florida, Georgia, Mississippi, South Carolina, Tennessee, and Texas have together left billions of federal dollars sitting on the table, billions that would have built rural clinics, kept hospitals open, paid for prenatal care, and saved roughly 1.5 million of their own citizens from going uninsured.
Their Republican legislators won’t take the money, their Republican governors campaign against the money, and their Republican voters keep electing the people who refuse the money, all because that money would also benefit the Black and Hispanic people who live in those states.
And the bodies pile up. Tennessee has the highest maternal mortality rate in the United States, 42.1 deaths per 100,000 live births averaged across 2019 to 2023, with Louisiana and Mississippi right behind.
The Commonwealth Fund found this past summer that Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina, and Tennessee all have maternal death rates more than double those of California, Colorado, Massachusetts, and Minnesota.
Mississippi just declared a public health emergency over infant mortality because the state’s babies are dying at the rate of 9.7 per 1,000 live births, nearly double the national average, and for Black babies in Mississippi the rate is 15.2, which would be a national emergency in any country that wasn’t busy looking the other way.
Life expectancy tells the same story in the same racist handwriting. Mississippi sits dead last in the country at around 71 years, followed by West Virginia, Alabama, Louisiana, and Kentucky.
The Princeton economist Angus Deaton, who won the Nobel Prize for his work on poverty, has observed for years that life expectancy in much of Appalachia and the Mississippi Delta is now lower than in Bangladesh or Nepal. White working-class men in the Mississippi Delta and the West Virginia coal country can now expect to live fewer years than men in countries we call “impoverished.”
And the political response from the Republicans? They keep electing racist white politicians to refuse Medicaid expansion, slash food stamps, hand tax cuts to their morbidly rich white men, and triple down on the very cultural grievances that the Delaware study just demonstrated, in laboratory conditions, are the precise mechanism by which they’re being conned.
I grew up in Lansing, Michigan, where in 1956 my father finally got a job at a tool-and-die shop with a union contract and health insurance that covered the whole family without a copay. None of us got rich, but none of us went bankrupt when somebody got sick, either.
The country my dad worked in had marginal income tax rates above 90 percent on the very wealthy, no billionaires to speak of, and a healthcare system that, for everyone covered by a union job or a public employer, looked something like what Canada or Germany has today.
In Michigan, like in most states of that era, hospitals and health insurance companies were required to be non-profits, run for the public good and heavily regulated.
Then Reagan came in, busted the unions, slashed the top rates, deregulated the insurance industry, and let the banksters loose on what had been a largely nonprofit hospital and insurance sector. The fifty-one healthcare billionaires we have today are the direct, foreseeable result of those choices.
I wrote a book about all of it, The Hidden History of American Healthcare, and the math hasn’t changed: every dollar in the bank account of a Frist or a Stryker or a UnitedHealth executive is a dollar that didn’t go to a nurse, a clinic, or a sick kid in Tupelo.
The Delaware study explains why we can’t seem to vote our way out of it. The morbidly rich Republicans who actually benefit from the system know exactly what they’re doing when they fund Fox “News,” Heritage, Turning Point USA, and the entire infrastructure of right-wing media that pumps racial grievance into white American living rooms twenty-four hours a day.
They’re running LBJ’s con at industrial scale. Convince a guy in Tupelo that Medicaid expansion is a handout to Black people in Jackson, and he’ll vote to keep his own daughter uninsured.
Convince a retiree in The Villages that single-payer means giving healthcare to dark-skinned immigrants, and she’ll defend, with every breath she has left, the very system that’s overcharging her for the drugs keeping her alive.
It works because “conservatives” have found it’s a very useful con to make themselves rich and maintain political power, and the fifty-one billionaires it produced are the ones writing the checks to make sure it keeps working.
Every other developed country has figured out that healthcare works better, costs less, and produces longer lives when it’s run as a public good rather than a profit center.
Bernie Sanders, Pramila Jayapal, and Debbie Dingell have a Medicare for All bill sitting in Congress right now, with hundreds of co-sponsors and the active support of National Nurses United and most of the rest of organized labor.
Californians are about to vote on a billionaire wealth tax that would partly fund healthcare and education by clawing back a five-percent slice of accumulated wealth from people who’ll never feel its absence.
The arguments are made, the policies are drafted, the funding mechanisms are costed out. The only thing missing is enough Americans willing to recognize the con LBJ named sixty-six years ago and refuse, just once, to fall for it.
If this article helped you see the con for what it is, please share it as widely as you can, forward it to the in-law who tells you Medicare for All is communism, and consider subscribing to the Hartmann Report so we can keep doing this work.
LBJ laid out the con in a Tennessee hotel room in 1960. The Delaware researchers just confirmed it in 2026.
The only question left is whether we’ll act on what we now know, or whether somebody like me in the next generation will be writing the same article about the seventy-fifth healthcare billionaire and asking the same exhausted question about why we still can’t have what every other developed country built two generations ago.
The unofficial start to summer in the Northeast was a washout, cold, damp, murky, and gray. It was, in retrospect, the perfect meteorological metaphor for what Donald Trump is doing to nuclear negotiations with Iran: a drenching, dispiriting mess with no sun in sight.
While millions of Americans were dodging raindrops this Memorial Day weekend, Trump was being dodgy on Truth Social, contradicting himself over and over again, lurching between triumphant exaltations and terrorizing threats, showing his desperation and stupidity to a world that is watching, and not laughing.
Saturday: a peace deal was largely negotiated. Sunday: slow down, don’t rush. Monday: Iran will be in “great danger” if talks collapse. Three days, three completely incompatible postures.
What blew my mind apart on Saturday were the “breaking news” alerts exploding across my phone as the gullible media tripped over itself to declare that a peace deal was “imminent.” “Are you kidding me with this?” I said to no one in particular.
They based their reporting on one of Trump’s flimsy, historically lie-ridden Truth Social posts. I honestly didn’t know who was stupider, Trump or the media outlets breathlessly announcing that a deal was coming.
The media seemed as desperate for holiday weekend clicks as Trump is for a peace deal. This is a man drowning and flailing for anything within reach, and the media treated every erratic outburst as cause to interrupt a holiday weekend.
Anyone paying the slightest bit of attention knows, beyond a shadow of a doubt, that Iran has Trump in a vise, and it knows it. Since the astonishingly reckless decision to launch military operations against Iran on February 27, Trump has handed Tehran virtually everything it wanted without extracting anything of lasting value in return.
If Hollywood made a movie about what has happened since then, no one would believe it. It reminded me of a very serious and realistic friend who reluctantly agreed years ago to see the film Dumb and Dumber with me. He hated it. “People just aren’t that stupid,” he remarked.
I’ve been thinking about what he said all those years ago, so I texted him on Monday, reminding him, and asking what he thought about the Iran war.
“I was wrong,” he replied succinctly.
Trump’s utter stupidity never considered the following: the Iranian regime has survived. It has depleted American weapons stockpiles worth billions. It has forced the U.S. government to spend tens of billions of dollars. It has retained its uranium. It has preserved the bulk of its military arsenal. And it has discovered, with almost gleeful efficiency, that launching cheap drones while threatening to choke off the Strait of Hormuz is enough to send the world economy into a tailspin and Donald Trump into a tailspin of a panic attack.
Iran has not been defeated. Iran has been empowered. It has emerged from this conflict with arguably greater regional leverage than it had before. That is horrifying on every level. And Trump’s stupidity owns every line of it.
When I asked him for advice on a career dilemma I was having, my grandfather once told me that the most pathetic people in the world are those who are both stupid and desperate. It was as sage a piece of advice as I’ve ever received.
I’ve thought about that a lot this weekend too. Because right now, Donald Trump is the living embodiment of that description, and the stakes are infinitely higher than my little work snafu ever was. This isn’t a job situation gone sideways. This is war. And war is a lethal, dead-serious business.
What makes the current conflict even more alarming is the combination of the players at the negotiating table. You have undoubtedly the most untrustworthy man in American political history negotiating with one of the most untrustworthy regimes on earth. Put in terms Trump might understand: a scumbag dealing with sleazeballs.
The Iranian government has violated nearly every agreement it has entered into since seizing power in 1979. And Trump’s “deal-making” has proved that his book, Trump: The Art of the Deal, is the biggest piece of fictionalized mythology ever written.
How will these two devious players ever reach a genuine agreement? The U.S. wants Iran to surrender its stockpile of highly enriched uranium. Iran wants frozen assets released, sanctions lifted, and 30 to 60 days to “finalize details.” Right, and Rome was built in a day. More applicable, it took 20 months of intensive negotiations to finalize the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), Obama/Iran nuclear agreement reached in July 2015.
Iran is simply running out the clock on a desperate president. And even Trump’s most hawkish Republican allies know it.
Senator Roger Wicker called the rumored 60-day ceasefire framework a “disaster” that would render everything achieved by Operation Epic Fury meaningless. Ted Cruz warned that allowing Iran to retain enrichment capabilities while halting military pressure would be a “catastrophic mistake.”
Lindsey Graham — stupid and desperate when it comes to anything related to Trump — said any deal that doesn’t permanently secure the Strait of Hormuz from Iranian aggression isn’t worth making. Senator Thom Tillis went on CNN and asked the obvious question no one in the administration wants to answer: if Iran’s defenses were truly “obliterated,” why are we letting them keep nuclear material?
Trump’s response to these critics? He called them “losers” on Truth Social.
There will never be a real deal between Trump and Iran. Mark these words. Iran will never surrender its nuclear program. It will never relinquish its newfound stranglehold on the Strait of Hormuz, not after realizing the leverage it now holds over the world economy.
Iran would rather burn the world down than watch itself slide back into irrelevance.
And Trump, desperate and stupid, lacks the patience and intellect to force meaningful concessions from a regime thrilled to have an ignorant American president exactly where it wants him.
What that means for the next two years is a world on tenterhooks: ships uncertain of safe passage, oil markets subject to Iranian whim, a nuclear program advancing behind a worthless ceasefire, and a president calling his critics un-American while overseeing one of the most genuinely un-American foreign policy catastrophes ever.
That is why treating Donald Trump as a credible source for breaking news about peace negotiations is stupid and desperate, and how a man so desperate and this stupid is not someone the world should trust to deliver peace.
There has been a tremor in the political force. Can you feel it?
President Donald Trump is tempting his presidential fate, having gotten away with literally everything he's ever done in his political and personal life, even a civil judgment for sexual abuse and a violent attempted coup on the Capitol. But he is now throwing aside whatever degree of caution may have once held him back. In the course of just the last month, he's pushed even MAGA's tolerance to the absolute brink. Past history acknowledged, there's no rule that says he will forever get away with everything. He seems determined to put the system through the ultimate stress test.
Something's gotta give, and it might be us. But he's certainly putting himself at risk, too.
Let's don hazmat suits or Mandalorian armor and pick through recent headlines setting out Trump's most recent monetization of his power. Then we'll look at how it's playing among Republicans and the general electorate.
There is, of course, the unprecedented move to literally grab $1.776 billion from the United States Treasury and use it to "compensate" allies Trump claims were victims of DOJ prosecution (He's even daring to be cute, the "1776," true independence from the law). In theory, the fund is the result of Trump dismissing his lawsuit against the I.R.S. for leaking his family's tax information.
Except that's not how settlements work, and "victims" of possible DOJ overreach were always free to file their own claims to be adjudicated by a judge, not Trump's friends. The only thing demarcating these claims as special is that they were done violently in Trump's name. To the extent no law prevents such a settlement, it's surely because no one ever envisioned anyone, never mind a president, requesting one. Not to be rude, but it's also fair to note there is always the possibility that any settlement payments going out come with the expectation that a percentage gets donated to charity, and we all know how Trump handles those.
Prove me wrong.
Moving on, Trump recently disclosed that not only is he heavily invested in equities, but he is also very active in his trades, more active than most traders. He's also quite good at it. Uncannily good. After all, why bother studying future trends when you're the president and can create them?
Commentators cannot help but note the overlap between his stock purchases and presidential action taken on behalf of those companies. As but one example, in February, Trump bought between $1 million and $5 million worth of AI chipmaker Nvidia, and a week later, the company expanded its AI deal with Meta Platforms. Pro-tip: When Trump includes a company's stock ticker in a statement, it may indicate he has "skin" in the game. Trump bought up to $530,000 worth of Palantir in March and then in April tweeted: “Palantir Technologies (PLTR) has proven to have great war-fighting capabilities and equipment. Just ask our enemies!!!”
There is actually a program out there for this if you know where to look.
Nice work if you can get it. Send your resume to the Electoral College.
Something is going on with the ballroom. No one, not even Donald Trump, obsesses about opulence to the degree that Trump obsesses about his ballroom. Not a single day goes by that he doesn't mention the pressing need for what is supposed to be just a gigantic luxurious space to entertain guests.
Yet, the way Trump sounds, it's a wonder the country got this far without one. And on Tuesday, Trump made the strangest comment.
Right. Hang on. Mr. President? Sir?
Readers will be forgiven for collapsing into particularly dark paranoia about why this "ballroom's" most notable features involve anti-missile capacity and a clear line of sight for defensive snipers from the roof. Social media is drowning in posts noting that the clearest explanation is that Trump doesn't plan on leaving the White House, and good luck trying to dig him out, whether by powers enumerated within the Constitution or those emanated from an F-16. He seems to believe he's invulnerable, and for all we know, he's right. Regardless, something is clearly amiss. (By the time he mentions he's putting in the world's first underground golf course beneath DC, it will be too late.)
Whatever the ballroom's real purpose, the American public remains stupefied over how the conspicuous national absence became priority one. On those three to four occasions when the average American finds themselves in need of a ballroom, perhaps a daughter's wedding, we rent what we call "halls" from churches, Rotary, schools, or - gulp, golf clubs. Somehow, we manage.
There is, however, an upside, and we're back around to Trump tempting fate. Those of us opposed to Trump have never been more "on message" than when keeping our mouths shut, watching someone in a red hat pump gas into their truck. Ford doesn't call them F150s as shorthand for "Fill it for $150.00." Meanwhile, that MAGA's president is on the radio, noting that his one-billion-dollar ballroom probably comes with parking for tanks.
Trump also just gave himself a license to steal — literally. Admittedly, this might be a subpart of the $1.78 billion settlement, but it deserves its own mention. Trump just managed to pardon himself and his family for everything he's ever known to have done, plus a lot more we may never know he did, because his "settlement agreement," springing from his IRS file leak (It happened on his watch; he is ultimately to blame), includes this clause begging for impeachment. The United States is forever barred from:
Prosecuting or pursuing, any and all claims, counterclaims, causes of action, appeals, or requests for any relief... whether presently known or unknown... that have been or could have been asserted by Defendants against any of the Plaintiffs... which arise out of (1) any matters that were raised or could have been raised in the Case or the Pending Agency Claims; (2) Lawfare and/or Weaponization; or (3) any matters currently pending or that could be pending (including tax returns filed before the Effective Date)...
Remember, HE was the Plaintiff, and yet this reads like a defendant's release. Any president even asking about such a settlement should be immediately impeached because he's directly asserting that he cannot be investigated by the United States Department of Justice, the crime fighters, for any crimes (Lawfare or "Weaponization"), and clauses two and three are not confined to looking backward in time but can be read prospectively. Somewhere, Putin is whistling in appreciation; it's cleaner than throwing people out windows. But no less a message: "Don't touch me."
Spare the comments about MAGA allowing Trump to do anything, and this is just more of that. And yes, yes — Louisiana Senator Bill Cassidy just got primaried out for voting "guilty" in Trump Impeachment II (Impeachments will likely look like the Star Wars series by the end of all this, especially if we get around to 2028 and Impeachment IV "A New Hope"). Additionally, Kentucky Rep. Thomas Massie just got thumped for daring to investigate Epstein against Trump's wishes. But those are GOP primary voters, the type still responding to Trump funding emails begging for cash. These people are not representative of the general electorate.
Our final exhibit involves pointing out that Trump campaigned on "America First," and yet has spent his most recent Oval Office time palling around with billionaires of all nationalities, seducing not only the Musks, the Bezos's, and Ellisons, but also the Saudis, the jet-setting, and thoughtfully gifting, Qataris, and, of course, the man that many call the "real" richest man on earth, Vladimir Putin. The only time Trump pays attention to American workers is on those occasions when he wants people to buy stock from the company at which they work. Poor people in the Kentucky hill country know that Trump only cares about them when someone from Kentucky demands that Epstein's pals be investigated, and then Trump cares a lot. (It is almost like Trump is trying to tell us something.)
He really is tempting fate this time, the ballroom as a modern Versailles, the slush fund for the private army, day trading from the Oval, the get out of jail free card, it's all making news, and nearly all of this happening amidst Trump's lowest polling ever, averaging 38.5% approval. One need not be a political savant to note that everything listed above will move the needle down, way down. And, that, dear friends, is where we may run face-first into a wall as solid as it is disturbing.
Because what's the only takeaway?
For whatever else Trump might be, he is the master of branding; he's acutely aware of his political trends to the same degree as market trends, which is evidently a lot. He knows none of this will help his political fortunes, only his fortunes. And that's a problem because we're almost forced to conclude that Trump believes he's hit his own tipping point, that literally nothing political matters from today forward. He can do anything. Polls don't matter. Politics doesn't matter. Crimes don't matter. His fears vanished. We find ourselves staring at the "post-presidential accountability period," or at least that's apparently how he sees it.
We know how we see it, have for a long time. Now everyone does. There has been a tremor in the political force, and all sides are at a tipping point. Americans cannot take much more, and Trump cannot take too much. We struggle to eat and gas up; he struggles to further maximize his luxury and safety. One side wins, loser loses; there is no middle ground for settlement — we've seen what Trump settlements look like.
Yes, he's gotten away with everything he's done before. But he's never done anything like this. And he's damn sure never done it at a point during which Americans are struggling as we are. Marie Antoinette made a similar bet in a similar dynamic, and we all know how that turned out. Granted, Versailles wasn't built with defensive sniper sightlines in mind, never mind anti-drone tech. And Trump won't let the cake out of the ballroom, especially if it's chocolate. But there is overlap here, and no, Mr. President, that's a history lesson, not a threat, noted in the spirit of '76, no kings. Not "86."
The only certainty is that this isn't sustainable. Something changed over the last month, a tremor in the political force. It is now or never. Either some galvanizing movement finally reins in Trump's reign, or the last vestiges of what we considered our constitutional republic get sold for scrap, no doubt used as ballroom redoubt.
Jason Miciak is a Rawstory Columnist at Large, past associate editor of Occupy Democrats, an author, American attorney, and single parent girldad. Please follow on Bluesky. He can be reached at jasonmiciak@gmail.com
Friends,
Robbie was the kindest person I ever knew.
I met him in our dormitory the day we entered college in 1964. He saw me struggling to carry my big luggage crates up the two flights of stairs to my dorm room and, without saying a word, grabbed one and hauled it to the second floor.
“Thank you!” I stammered when we reached the landing.
“Don’t mention it,” he said with a broad smile, and then offered his hand. “I’m Robbie.”
“Bob,” I said, shaking his hand.
“Good to meet you, Bob!”
He must have noticed I was exhausted by the effort, and lonely to boot. “It’s close to dinner time,” he said. “Wanna walk over to the dining hall?”
“Sure!”
That was the start of our friendship.
Robbie was intuitively and naturally kind. He combined a remarkable warmheartedness with a degree of compassion I had never known before. And it wasn’t only toward me. Every young man in our dorm, and many in our class, came to admire and depend on Robbie.
Robbie went missing in action in Vietnam on October 12, 1972. His body has never been recovered.
I think of Robbie on Memorial Day, as I do of others who died while serving in the United States Armed Forces.
I was strongly opposed to the Vietnam War. I demonstrated and marched against it. I was too short to be drafted, but I detested the cruel absurdity of that war, the lies with which it was sold to the American people, the utter waste of it. In the end, more than 58,000 Americans and millions of Vietnamese lost their lives in it. Many more were grievously wounded.
But when I think of Robbie, I also remember his sense of duty. Duty was inseparable from his kindness. Whatever the situation, Robbie was eager to help.
What do we owe one another as members of the same society? To me, that question lies at the heart of this Memorial Day.
Our current president apparently believes we owe each other nothing. To him, everything is a transaction — a deal in which each of us is in it for as much money and power as we can get.
During the 2016 presidential campaign, Trump denigrated Senator John McCain, whose plane was shot down over Hanoi in 1967.
McCain became a prisoner of war. The North Vietnamese offered him early release because McCain’s father was commander of all U.S. forces in Vietnam at the time. But the young McCain refused the offer in order to uphold the Code of Conduct, which stipulated that prisoners of war should be released in the order they were captured. As a result, he remained in North Vietnam for nearly five additional years, during which time he was put into solitary confinement and tortured.
![]() |
“He’s not a war hero,” Trump said of McCain during the 2016 presidential campaign. Then he altered his comment: “He’s a war hero because he was captured. I like people that weren’t captured, OK?”
Trump avoided serving in Vietnam by claiming he had a bone spur in his heel. As Michael Cohen, Trump’s “fixer,” told members of the House Oversight Committee in 2019:
“Trump claimed [his medical deferment] was because of a bone spur, but when I asked for medical records, he gave me none and said there was no surgery. He told me not to answer the specific questions by reporters but rather offer simply the fact that he received a medical deferment. He finished the conversation with the following comment: ‘You think I’m stupid, I wasn’t going to Vietnam.’”
Trump and his family business are now planning a $1.5 billion golf complex outside Hanoi and a Trump skyscraper in Ho Chi Minh City — the Trump family’s first projects in Vietnam. The two projects are part of a global moneymaking enterprise that no family of a sitting American president has ever before attempted.
Robbie was never in it for himself. He did what he did because he felt he had an obligation to do it, a duty to the nation he loved. It’s why I remember and honor Robbie today.
We know the Trump Department of Justice has threatened individuals it considers political opponents. Echoing authoritarian regimes worldwide, they’ve now indicted the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC). In response, major Donor-Advised Funds (DAFs), including Vanguard, Fidelity, and Schwab, have prevented clients from donating to SPLC, cutting the organization off from funding without even a shred of due process.
If the DAFs follow this precedent, it could eliminate a key source of funding for any nonprofits this—or any future—administration chooses to attack.
The funds claim their action is necessary because, according to the administration, it constituted fraud for SPLC to have paid hate group informants. But federal and state law enforcement agencies have known about the infiltrations for years, using information they provided to help secure indictments and convictions. So the charges are spurious.
Fidelity justified its actions by citing a policy of pausing DAF giving if an organization “is being investigated for alleged illegal activities…such as terrorism, money laundering, hate crimes or fraud,” or if “state and federal agencies” are investigating a charitable organization. Schwab’s fund quietly removed SPLC from its list of eligible nonprofits, and a representative read me similar boilerplate, saying the fund was deciding on next steps.
The danger is far larger than the SPLC case. The listed criteria would let federal or state authorities cripple any nonprofit they choose, simply by launching an investigation. The organization doesn’t have to be convicted, or even indicted. They just have to be investigated, which makes this a perfect way to target political opponents. The administration has already issued a memorandum promising investigations of groups that promote “anti-fascism,” “anti-Christianity,” or “hostility” toward “traditional American views on family, religion, and morality.” It’s threatened Wikipedia, the Vera Institute for Justice and the governmental watchdog Citizens for Responsibility in Ethics in Washington, not to mention major universities. All the federal government, or even a state government, would need to do to launch a DAF freeze is to open an official public investigation. And these major DAFs would then block the targeted organization from receiving funding.
The implications aren’t confined to the Trump administration. Under this precedent, Democrats holding power could do the same to disfavored nonprofits. Just launching an investigation would cut off a significant part of a targeted organization’s money flow. The defunding or banning of targeted NGOs is exactly what Vladimir Putin did in Russia, Viktor Orbán in Hungary, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in Turkey, and Nicolás Maduro in Venezuela. It’s a classic way to eliminate opposition and consolidate power. And the anticipatory compliance of Vanguard, Fidelity, and Schwab is the exact kind of response that empowers would-be dictatorships, whatever their politics.
If a nonprofit is convicted of fraud or money laundering, it’s of course legitimate to remove or suspend their 501(c)(3) nonprofit status. But SPLC has neither been tried nor convicted, so the DAFs are letting a hostile administration’s mere accusation of wrongdoing become an excuse to block funding. The $326 billion of money that DAFs hold is part of the lifeblood of nonprofits. The actions of these DAFs directly undermine democracy by excluding a group the administration has targeted and potentially denying funding to other targeted groups. That’s true whatever you think of SPLC.
If there’s a nonprofit that could weather this, it’s SPLC, with its $786 million endowment. I don’t give to them because I think other groups are more impactful for the money they spend. But if the Trump administration and its enablers can do this to SPLC, they can do it to far smaller and more vulnerable nonprofits. For instance, they could target nonpartisan voter engagement groups, drying up funding (including pledged contributions) at the point when these groups need it the most to engage citizens in democracy. Damaging attacks on nonprofit funding also don’t have to come from the federal Department of Justice. Under Fidelity’s criteria, attacks could come from state governments as well, with potential targets including either conservative or liberal groups depending on which party runs a particular state.
But ordinary citizens have the power to change this. The campaigns that got ABC to reinstate Jimmy Kimmel offer a model. This issue has less visibility, but for the nonprofits it could affect is equally critical. If we have money in a DAF, our calls or emails could well make the difference. Schwab told me that they’d been getting lots of critical responses. But even if we don’t have a DAF, nearly 60% of us have retirement or other investment accounts, with most housed at the major affiliated brokerages. So we can reach out as well, threatening to switch our investments to brokerages that don’t empower authoritarian initiatives, like TIAA-CREF (at least for now Merrill Lynch/Bank of America is still putting through grants as well), and, if we have DAF’s, transfer them to ones that haven’t banned SPLC contributions, like Amalgamated Bank, Impact Assets, or Daffy.
A group of socially responsible investment advisors has created a sign-on letter. New York’s historic Riverside Church just divested $12 million from Vanguard. A long-time activist friend created a leavefidelity.com site with cut-and-paste templates to send to the companies involved. The goal is to echo what people did in the Kimmel situation when they boycotted the channels, advertisers, and theme park properties of national ABC/Disney and local Sinclair and Nextstar stations. People also protested in front of affiliated ABC stations—something they could do at the headquarters of the relevant brokerage houses. While DAFs are technically separate entities, they share investment management, administration, and the parent brand, which offers them as an incentive for clients. So we’re far from powerless.
The job of the brokerage houses is not to police client giving. Their affiliated DAFs need to allow donations to all legitimate nonprofits, whether or not the Trump administration—or any administration—agrees with what they do.
Paul Rogat Loeb is the author of Soul of a Citizen and The Impossible Will Take a Little While, with 300,000 copies in print between them. He spent 13 years running nonprofits he founded.
Is the United States headed for a second Civil War? According to a survey of likely midterm voters published by the Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights, 57% of Americans believe it is. Sixty-nine percent say democracy is under serious threat; and an equal percentage of non-white voters say they fear rising white supremacy.
While President Donald Trump and his MAGA movement deserve the lion’s share of blame for such findings, the Supreme Court has done its part. Under the stewardship of Chief Justice John Roberts, the court has issued a blistering succession of dangerously polarizing rulings, ranging from presidential immunity, union organizing, the death penalty, environmental protection, and gun control to affirmative action and abortion rights. The resulting jurisprudential carnage has accelerated the nation’s rupture into irreconcilable belligerent tribes and prompted speculation that we are headed for another existential conflict.
The Roberts Court has taken a particularly malevolent interest in destroying the Voting Rights Act (VRA) of 1965. Last month’s decision in Louisiana v. Callais gutted Section 2 of the landmark legislation, which was amended in 1982 to permit the Justice Department and private citizens to challenge election laws that have the effect of diluting minority voting power.
The court’s 6-3 majority opinion by Justice Samuel Alito invalidated Louisiana’s 2024 congressional map that created a second majority-Black congressional district to operate alongside the state’s five white-majority districts, roughly reflecting the size of Louisiana’s Black population. The ruling handed a victory to the lead plaintiff in the case, Phillip “Bert” Callais, an election denier and alleged conspiracy theorist who had attended the January 6, 2021 “Stop the Steal” rally on the White House Ellipse that eventually snowballed into the insurrection at the Capitol. Barely concealing their racial animus, Callais and his co-plaintiffs described themselves in court filings as “non-African American voters” who were the victims of reverse discrimination. Louisiana has since moved to redraw its voting maps.
With the demise of the “effects test,” future Section 2 plaintiffs will have to meet the nearly impossible burden of proving that redistricting maps were created with overt discriminatory intent rather than for political purposes. And as the court held in a 2019 opinion written by Roberts in Rucho v. Common Cause, political gerrymandering claims cannot be brought in federal courts because, as the Republican majority sees it, they present nonjusticiable “political questions.”
Both Callais and Rucho built upon Roberts’ 2013 majority opinion in Shelby County v. Alabama gutting two other sections of the VRA that required state and local jurisdictions with histories of egregious voter discrimination to obtain advance federal approval—known as preclearance—before making changes to their election procedures. Like Alito in Callais, Roberts declared in Shelby that racial discrimination in voting was a thing of the past and thus special protections for minorities were no longer necessary.
The combined effects of Shelby and Rucho have led to a proliferation of voting roll purges, onerous photo ID laws, and limitations on mail-in ballots in red states across the country. Now, with Callais, election law experts predict that as many as 19 Democratic congressional seats in Tennessee, Alabama, Mississippi, South Carolina, Florida, and Louisiana could be eliminated, returning the former states of the Confederacy to one-party rule.
The court’s handiwork has sparked outrage and alarm. Rep. Bennie Thompson, the only Democrat in Mississippi’s congressional delegation, who will likely lose his seat to gerrymandering, has condemned Callais as “equivalent to a second Civil War.” Other observers have compared the current moment in the US to the 1850s, when debates over the future of slavery eventually led to secession and war.
Chief Justice Roberts has also drawn comparisons to Chief Justice Roger Taney, whose 1857 majority opinion in Dred Scott v. Sandford held that Black Americans had “no rights that the white man was bound to respect.” The Dred Scott decision helped precipitate the Civil War, and is widely considered the most infamous in the court’s history.
The parallels between Taney and Roberts are beyond hyperbole. Both men began their legal careers as zealous partisan political advocates. Before ascending to the Supreme Court in 1836, Taney was elected to the General Assembly of Maryland, and later served as a loyal foot soldier to President Andrew Jackson, first as secretary of war and then as attorney general, in which capacity he penned an advisory opinion that prefigured his Dred Scott ruling, arguing that the Constitution and the Bill of Rights were inapplicable to Black people, even those living in free states.
Similarly, the young Roberts established himself as a dependable right-wing operative, clerking for Chief Justice William Rehnquist and afterward serving as special assistant to Attorney General William French Smith in the Reagan administration. There, he authored upward of 25 memos opposing the 1982 amendment that added the effects test to the Voting Rights Act in addition to ghosting op-eds for Smith and preparing administration officials for their testimony before Congress on the test. Later, as an attorney in private practice, he played an important role as a consultant, lawsuit editor, and prep coach for the GOP's legal arguments in the run-up to Bush v. Gore, the case that decided the 2000 presidential election.
Neutering the Voting Rights Act represents the culmination of Roberts’ lifelong calling and warrants his ranking alongside Taney as the most disgraceful chief justice in history. As the civil rights activist and writer William Spivey argued in an essay published earlier this month in the online journal Level:
"Taney held that no Black person, free or enslaved, could ever be a US citizen. He believed that Black people were not part of the political community and the Constitution was written for white men only.
Chief Justice Roberts has been more effective than anyone in disenfranchising Black people. Most of what Taney accomplished can be traced to a single decision that remained in place for 11 years before being reversed [by the 13th and 14th Amendments]. Roberts has spent an entire career whittling away at the Voting Rights Act of 1965, affirmative action and, most recently, the diversity, equity, and inclusion movement."
Roberts will also be remembered for composing the majority opinion in Trump v. United States in 2024 that gave the president near-complete immunity from criminal prosecution for his official acts. That decision, along with the evisceration of voting rights, has emboldened Trump to threaten the deployment of Immigration and Customs Enforcement and the military to polling places and hatch other plots to rig the midterm elections and consolidate Republican power.
It may be premature to conclude a new Civil War is upon us, but a high-stakes battle for the future of the country is well underway.
This story was published in partnership with Common Dreams. Read the original story here.
There are a million ways that prove Donald Trump sucks more than all of his predecessors, but there’s no bigger difference, personality-wise, than his complete lack of a sense of humor.
Think of President Joe Biden’s Irish humor, where he makes fun of himself before others can. Or President Barack Obama adopting his critics’ sarcastic “Thanks, Obama,” creating one of the first truly political viral hashtags, along with this evergreen moment that never fails to trigger MAGA.
Republicans aren’t naturally funny, but at least most of them are capable of taking a joke. Several of them managed to survive the annual gentle roasting at the White House Correspondents’ Dinner, but Trump couldn’t even handle it from the audience when he was targeted by host Seth Meyers in 2011.
Many people said that was the night he decided to embark on the revenge tour that became his political career, leading to the current garbage fire landscape of him picking off his enemies based on his snowflake feelings.
In full defiance of the First Amendment, Trump pressured his pals at CBS to cancel their top money-making and highest-rated show, The Late Show with Stephen Colbert, all because Colbert dared to do his job of entertaining his massive audience by mixing political humor in with the rest of his content.
It’s only what all the late-night talk show hosts have done since the genre was invented. As someone who grew up in New Jersey in the '70s and '80s, I can tell you that none of the stories we saw on the news or in the papers about Trump were about his demands to have any comedians fired for making jokes about him. There was a time when he didn’t care what people said about him, as long as they were talking about him.
If you’re wondering what’s changed since then, it might have a little something to do with the advances in his criminality. He definitely doesn’t want anyone talking about any of that, particularly the whole Epstein Files thing. But Colbert centered that and all of the other glaringly felonious, fraudulent facts about Trump and his compromised co-conspirators.
It’s abhorrent to watch anyone bend a knee to a convicted felon in the pocket of Vladimir Putin, but the collapse of any mainstream media outlet, along with compromising an entire news network, is against every belief our Founders wrote about in our Constitution. We have a First Amendment for multiple reasons. It protects Trump’s dumbest remarks as much as Stephen Colbert’s smartest ones. What we’re witnessing is the eradication of our fundamental American rights.
In fact, let’s check in with current FCC Chair Brendan Carr, who’s undergone some profound changes since he tweeted this in 2019, unlike the First Amendment.
A tweet from FCC chair Brendan Carr (X).
It’s just another example of Trump actually being a terrible businessman. Instead of silencing Stephen Colbert on network television, Trump could’ve mined it for even more grifted MAGA gold. Now Colbert will be more powerful without any network restrictions on him, you big dumb snowflake.
Tributes to Stephen Colbert have been coming in from all over, from his fellow late-night hosts to his favorite Broadway stars and other musical acts. Foo Fighters performed a medley of the first and last songs they ever played on David Letterman’s show in the same Ed Sullivan Theater. Andra Day popped up to surprise Stephen on Tuesday night’s show thanks to his old friend, Jon Stewart, who delivered a First Amendment Masterclass, along with the world’s best barcaloungers.
My own love for Stephen Colbert dates back to his sketch comedy days, but it really took hold with The Colbert Report on Comedy Central. My older son, Jack, was also a huge fan, and even though he was only 15 at the time, I was able to get him into a taping of the show on a trip to New York City in 2014. A friend of mine via the Emerson College network, Eric Drysdale, was on the writing staff, and not only did he arrange for us to get tickets, but he also gave us a full VIP backstage tour. While we didn't meet Stephen, we saw his office door, which had a sign on it that read "Mandy Patinkin."
Before the show, Colbert did an audience Q&A as himself, and I got to ask him a question, which was, "Who's a guest you've been trying to book, but you just can't?"
Without missing a beat, Stephen Colbert said, “Jesus.”
Once the laughter died down, he said, "But seriously, anyone from the George W. Bush administration, especially Donald Rumsfeld, but we never hear back from him."
After the show was over, Jack and I were the only ones who were allowed to take a photo at the famous desk, and I officially won parenting for that day.
(Tara Dublin/Raw Story)
I took another trip in 2017 and saw a different taping with my mom, related in this thread on Threads. That time I asked him for the best advice his mother had ever given him. He said she would tell him (and I'm paraphrasing) that when things get hard, picture yourself as a member of an audience in a theater, sitting in the balcony and watching the story of your life play out. Then imagine what you would do next, and then do it.
So, to honor Stephen’s mom’s advice, here’s what I want Colbert to do next.
I want him to take his team to Meidas Touch or another place online & bring back THE COLBERT REPORT 2.0(26): ELECTRIC BOOGALOO. Most importantly, we need the "BETTER KNOW A DISTRICT" segment he did back in the day more than ever now that the Voting Rights Act has been gutted.
Without the Trump administration micromanaging his monologues, Stephen can give Democrats the kind of airtime they’d never get on CBS. He could have a real impact on the midterms, and we’d still get to watch him every night.
Thanks for the memories, Stephen! Now let’s make some more.
Friends,
I keep hearing that one of America’s biggest problems is we’re “divided and polarized.” For example, New York Times columnist David French: “We’ve known for a long time that America is deeply polarized, and we’ve known the problem is only getting worse.”
This is bulls---. The problem is not that we’re divided and polarized.
The problem is that a significant portion of America is buying Trump’s violent, hateful, lawless crap. Some of those buying it are white supremacists. Others are conservative fundamentalist Christians. Others are xenophobic nationalists.
I feel compassion for those who’ve been seduced into supporting Trump after being brutalized and mistreated for years by employers, big corporations, Wall Street, and America’s oligarchs. As I warned 32 years ago, widening inequalities of wealth, income, and opportunity would eventually persuade some on the losing side to support a demagogue.
But an explanation for why some of Trump’s followers have bought into his neofascism isn’t a justification for them to do so. And it’s certainly no reason for us to put aside our differences and compromise with them.
As you undoubtedly know, Trump has created a violent police state inside America. He is conducting an illegal war abroad. He has usurped the powers of Congress and defied court orders. He is taking bribes. He’s criminally prosecuting his enemies and pardoning his criminal supporters (he has even set up a slush fund to compensate them). He has gotten his Justice Department to immunize him and his family from any future tax audits. He is silencing critics. He is fomenting racism and bigotry.
None of us should fall for the false equivalency between this, and opposition to it. The contest today is not between “right” and “left,” as the two sides have traditionally been understood in America. It’s not even between “Republicans” and “Democrats,” as we’ve defined the two major parties over most of the past century.
No, the contest today is between democracy and authoritarianism. It’s between tolerance and bigotry. Between a multiracial, secular, inclusive society and one that believes in white Christian nationalism. Between the rule of law and neofascism.
The two sides in this contest do not merit equal weight. If we are going to have a decent society, the nation must come down on the former side.
As long as Trump has followers who support his bigotry, racism, corruption, and violence, the nation will remain divided and polarized. That is necessary and proper.
We shouldn’t “reach out, or “meet halfway,” or “find middle ground,” or “split the difference,” or any other of today’s hackneyed expressions for putting aside what divides us and agreeing.
Generations of Americans fought and died for the ideals of democracy, freedom, social justice, the rule of law, and equal opportunity. We have never fully achieved them, but they remain our ideals. Tomorrow we celebrate Memorial Day to honor those ideals and the memories of those who died for them.
There cannot be, must not be, any compromise with neofascism.
Under the heading of Fiddling While Rome Burns, a new potential viral plague is gaining steam in the Democratic Republic of Congo and Uganda – a strain that has no targeted vaccine to prevent it nor treatment to cure it, making it a nightmare to try to contain.
But you know our president is too focused on his ballroom to give it much thought.
The reality is this: as of Tuesday, an Ebola virus outbreak in the above-named African nations had more than 500 suspected cases and some 130 deaths. According to the World Health Organization, It involves the much rarer Bundibugyo strain of Ebola, as opposed to the significantly more common Zaire form for which a vaccine and treatments exist.
How is the United States responding? Well, the State Department is “strongly urging” Americans not to travel to the Democratic Republic of Congo, South Sudan or Uganda, and to reconsider travel to Rwanda. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention issued an order barring foreigners from entering the U.S. if they were in any of the above-named countries in the previous 21 days. It assessed the risk to the general American public as “low.”
This is all well and good. The problem is that under President Trump, we have pulled out of the WHO and gutted the CDC, greatly restricting our capacity to monitor and respond to an international public health emergency like the Ebola one. We are now less able to detect, coordinate around and contain an Ebola threat early.
The weakening of our virus containment apparatus should concern everyone, disturbingly restricting many of the systems that matter most in the first days of an outbreak (i.e. right now). By leaving, the U.S. voluntarily ended formal participation in WHO technical committees and real-time surveillance groups and withdrew staff embedded in WHO operations. That means fewer U.S. personnel plugged into international outbreak intelligence.
The radical cuts to the CDC mean fewer epidemiologists and, therefore, less surge capacity and ability to respond quickly. In short, it points to a hampered ability to respond to Ebola before it arrives here and reduced resilience once it does.
Why did Trump withdraw us from the WHO? Because he blamed the organization for what he perceived as a delayed response to COVID when in fact it was merely scapegoated for the president’s own deplorable lack of urgency.
Public health experts widely regard America’s reaction to the COVID threat as massively slow and flawed. It could have been nipped in the bud, but Trump, early on, treated the virus less like a deadly health emergency than a temporary PR problem. If strong mitigation measures (mask guidance, distancing, limits on gatherings, testing expansion) had begun even two weeks earlier, it’s likely tens of thousands of deaths could have been prevented.
Let’s take a look back at a partial timeline of Trump’s COVID response quotes:
February 2, 2020: “We pretty much shut it down coming in from China.”
February 10, 2020: “Looks like by April, you know, in theory, when it gets a little warmer, it miraculously goes away.”
February 24: “The Coronavirus is very much under control in the USA. The stock market is starting to look very good to me!”
February 26: “The 15 cases (in the U.S.) within a couple of days is going to be down to close to zero.”
March 6: “You have to be calm. It’ll go away.”
March 15: “It’s something we have tremendous control over.”
By April 2020, U.S. deaths from COVID would surpass 20,000. By the end of 2020, there would be more than 385,000 confirmed COVID-related fatalities in the United States, making it the third-leading cause of death that year behind heart disease and cancer.
Ebola is a different beast altogether, of course. For the uninitiated, it’s an illness caused by a group of related viruses first discovered in 1976 in the nations now known as South Sudan and Congo in a region near the Ebola River. Fruit bats are thought to carry the viruses without being sickened by them.
People stricken with Ebola may first experience so-called “dry symptoms” such as fever, aches, pains and fatigue before progressing to “wet symptoms” that include diarrhea, vomiting and bleeding. It’s contracted through contact with the bodily fluids of an infected, sick or dead person and contaminated objects like clothing, bedding, needles or medical equipment.
Ebola is, more often than not, fatal. There have been several outbreaks since 2000, and in more than 70 percent of cases the victim died. It is clearly an extremely virulent virus that spreads easily through direct contact.
Are we vulnerable in America to an Ebola plague? Not in the traditional sense. Since it spreads only by direct contact and not through easy airborne transmission like COVID or the measles, a large uncontrolled U.S. spread is much less likely.
However, that doesn’t mean the disdain the Trump Administration has shown for any agency whose statistics he sees as a threat to his ability to spread propaganda doesn’t open us up to a far higher risk than necessary.
Stepping back from W.H.O. and thinning out the C.D.C. makes for a country that’s less preventive and more reactive. Think of it like removing smoke detectors because you already own a fire extinguisher. You still have tools, but you may well learn about the fire later than you should.
In short, Donald Trump is not the president you want when any disease starts spreading out of control. He is, in fact, the worst, because he makes it all about him and his ego rather than the good of the country he’s purportedly trying to protect.
The time to start planning for Ebola to reach our shores is right now. But I have a feeling no one inside TrumpWorld is thinking much about it. Not his hand-picked C.D.C. Not anyone with whom he deals daily. Certainly not Health and Human Services Secretary RFK Jr.
It’s especially at times like this when I mourn the fact we don’t have a real president.
Ray Richmond is a longtime journalist/author and an adjunct professor at Chapman University in Orange, CA.
Copyright © 2026 Raw Story Media, Inc. PO Box 21050, Washington, D.C. 20009 |
Masthead
|
Privacy Policy
|
Manage Preferences
|
Debug Logs
For corrections contact
corrections@rawstory.com
, for support contact
support@rawstory.com
.