You canât disentangle economics from liberty. Which is why Democrats have proclaimed since the 1930s that:
- If youâre hungry and donât have access to food, youâre not free.
- If you canât afford decent housing and therefore donât have a safe place to live, youâre not free.
- If youâre out of work and canât support yourself or your family, youâre not free.
- If youâre sick and canât afford medical treatment, youâre not free.
- If you live in fear of rightwing terrorism because of your religion or the color of your skin, youâre not free.
- And if you have the inherent capability to be a scientist or union electrician but canât afford college or trade school to reach your potential, youâre not free.
Instead, as FDR said in the next sentence of that speech:
âPeople who are hungry, people who are out of a job are the stuff of which dictatorships are made.â
Itâs time for the Democratic Party to begin messaging like FDR did.
The debates today around infrastructure, Build Back Better, voting rights and ending the filibuster are not separate things: they all represent Democratic efforts to expand freedom that has been eroded by forty years of âconservativeâ policies.
And, indeed, historians tie Reaganâs gutting of union rights and impoverishing the American middle class directly to the upsurge of todayâs hateful white supremacist movement. For two generations now, Republican politicians have promoted the lie that working white people werenât getting poorer because of Reaganâs tax-cuts-for-the-rich and âfree tradeâ policies, but because of the âGreat Replacement Theoryâ Tucker Carlson promotes that claims Jews are helping âBlack immigrants and illegalsâ take white peopleâs best jobs.
For most of our history conservatives have promoted the interests of slaveholders, big property owners, big business, and big money, while progressives have promoted the interests of freedom for average working people.
With the 1920 election Warren Harding won the presidency on a platform of tax cuts for the rich (from 90% down to 25%), deregulation of business, and privatization of government functions. All of which led directly to the Crash of 1929 and the Republican Great Depression.
Thus, when FDR took the White House in the GOPâs economic wreckage in 1933, he positioned the Democratic Party solidly in the progressive camp and proclaimed a new era of freedom in America.
Virtually every program of the New Deal from labor rights to Social Security, was, Roosevelt said, designed to protect and expand American freedoms.
By 1936, FDR had succeeded in completely rebranding the Democratic Party as the âParty of Freedom.â When he accepted the Partyâs nomination for a second term in Philadelphia, he laid it out clearly.
âThat very word freedom,â he thundered to the giant hall, âin itself and of necessity, suggests freedom from some restraining power.
â[I]t was to win freedom from the tyranny of political autocracy that the American Revolution was fought.â
But, FDR pointed out, with the industrial revolution came a massive accumulation of wealth and political power in the hands of a very, very few. And that meant the freedom of average working people was now under attack by a new type of American tyranny.
âSince that struggle, however, man's inventive genius released new forces in our land which reordered the lives of our people. The age of machinery, of railroads; of steam and electricity; the telegraph and the radio; mass production, mass distribution - all of these combined to bring forward a new civilization and with it a new problem for those who sought to remain free.â
The rise of big business â he called them âeconomic royalistsâ â and their alliance with the Republican Party was, FDR said, a challenge that required a frontal assault on behalf of freedom for working class Americans.
âFor out of this modern civilization economic royalists carved new dynasties. New kingdoms were built upon concentration of control over material things. Through new uses of corporations, banks and securities, new machinery of industry and agriculture, of labor and capital â all undreamed of by the Fathers â the whole structure of modern life was impressed into this royal service. âŚ
âThroughout the nation, opportunity was limited by monopoly. Individual initiative was crushed in the cogs of a great machine. The field open for free business was more and more restricted. Private enterprise, indeed, became too private. It became privileged enterprise, not free enterprise.â
While fascism was rising in Europe, another type of tyranny was overtaking America, driven by bankers and industrialists who controlled vast wealth and political power.
If you lived under the thumb of an employer who refused decent pay and benefits, and you lacked the legal political power to join a union, you were not free.
âLiberty requires opportunity to make a living â a living decent according to the standard of the time, a living which gives man not only enough to live by, but something to live for.
âFor too many of us the political equality we once had won was meaningless in the face of economic inequality. A small group had concentrated into their own hands an almost complete control over other people's property, other people's money, other people's labor â other people's lives. For too many of us life was no longer free; liberty no longer real; men could no longer follow the pursuit of happiness.â
Which is where most Americans found themselves under the ravages of raw, unregulated capitalism. We had lost our freedom, and the Democratic Party was taking an explicit stand to restore it.
âToday we stand committed to the proposition that freedom is no half-and-half affair,â FDR said, calling out the morbidly rich oligarchs of his day and the Republican politicians who sucked up to them.
Like Nikki Hailey calling Democrats âsocialistsâ on Twitter this weekend in a pathetic effort to ingratiate herself with rightwing billionaires, Republican politicians in the 1930s and 1940s called FDR everything from a socialist and a communist to an all-out tyrant.
But he threw it right back into their faces. His agenda, he said, was freedom.
âThese economic royalists complain that we seek to overthrow the institutions of America. What they really complain of is that we seek to take away their power. Our allegiance to American institutions requires the overthrow of this kind of power.
âIn vain they seek to hide behind the flag and the Constitution. In their blindness they forget what the flag and the Constitution stand for. Now, as always, they stand for democracy, not tyranny; for freedom, not subjection; and against a dictatorship by mob rule and the over-privileged alike.â
When the GOP accused Roosevelt of being that dayâs equivalent of a âbleeding heart liberal,â he proudly wore that badge. After all, in the finest American tradition, he and his Democratic Party were fighting for the freedom of all Americans:
âWe do not see faith, hope, and charity as unattainable ideals, but we use them as stout supports of a nation fighting the fight for freedom in a modern civilization.â
It was under the banner of âfreedomâ that FDR accomplished so much of his agenda. Democrats today must do the same.
- Build Back Better enhances the freedom of working-class Americans by providing a floor through which they wonât fall as they strive for economic success.
- Ending or changing the filibuster to put voting rights into place ensures democracy â the essential bulwark of freedom â to citizens of every state, even those that Republicans are trying to turn into rightwing oligarchies.
- Cancelling student debt and providing low-cost healthcare to all Americans frees young people from crushing financial burdens that are not experienced by the citizens of any other developed democracy in the world.
- Vaccine and mask mandates slow or even (when fully implemented) stop the spread of this Covid pandemic, and thus are an explicit part of a âfreedom agendaâ: the freedom to take your kid to school, go to a restaurant or theater, or shop for groceries without fear of death and disease.
There are, of course, elected Democrats who oppose many of these things. Given the stakes of today, itâs not hyperbole to call them traitors to the Democratic Party specifically and the cause of freedom in America more generally.
In 1940, a faction that today weâd call âcorporate problem solver Democratsâ tried to hijack the party and force FDR to repudiate progressive Henry Wallace for a more âmoderateâ VP in the election that year. He was having no part of it.
âIn the century in which we live,â FDR wrote, âthe Democratic Party has received the support of the electorate only when the party, with absolute clarity, has been the champion of progressive and liberal policies and principles of government.â
After all, if they were the party of freedom then how could they possibly sell out to the âeconomic royalistsâ who were making common cause with the GOP?
Youâre either a progressive party, FDR said, or youâre not: you canât be both, and when you try to straddle that fence you will lose elections more often than not.
âThe party has failed consistently,â he wrote to his partyâs leaders, âwhen through political trading and chicanery it has fallen into the control of those interests, personal and financial, which think in terms of dollars instead of in terms of human values.â
If the Democratic Party is not all about freedom, he said, it canât be distinguished from the GOP, which actively fights against freedom for all but the wealthy, and will fail.
âUntil the Democratic Party through this convention makes overwhelmingly clear its stand in favor of social progress and liberalism, and shakes off all the shackles of control fastened upon it by the forces of conservatism, reaction, and appeasement, it will not continue its march of victory.â
Summarizing, FDR wrote to his party leaders:
âIt is best not to straddle ideals. ⌠It is best for America to have the fight out here and now. ⌠The party must go wholly one way or wholly the other. It cannot face in both directions at the same time.â
In the name of triangulation, political strategy, and big-tent-ism the modern Democratic Party has seen itself repeatedly sabotaged from within.
First it was Bill Clintonâs embrace of Reaganâs corporate âfree tradeâ and his proclaiming âan end to welfare as we know itâ while killing off the Aid to Families with Dependent Children program put into place in 1936 by FDR.
Then came Joe Liebermanâs taking over a million dollars from the insurance industry to gut Obamacare of a public option during the single 74-day window Obama had with a filibuster-proof senate in his entire presidency.
And, of course, thereâs todayâs crisis with Manchin and Sinema blocking filibuster reform and the so-called âcorporate problem solversâ caucus in both the House and Senate working like termites to undermine or co-opt any successful progressive legislation.
If the Democratic Party is to once again be the party of freedom, its leadership must take a stand like FDR did in 1940 when he defied the power-brokers and wealth-toadies in his own party.
Its members must sign onto the freedom crusade, and the party must actively work, through the upcoming primaries, to purge itself of those who are only in office to get rich or enjoy their moment of fame.
And, most important, the Democratic Party must reclaim âfreedomâ as its banner. For Americans, freedom is not only a sacred right and duty, but itâs also the ultimate political marketing toolâŚand itâs past time for Democrats to take it back and claim it as their own.
Thom Hartmann is a talk-show host and the author of The Hidden History of American Healthcare and more than 30+ other books in print. He is a writing fellow at the Independent Media Institute and his writings are archived at hartmannreport.com.
This article was produced by Economy for All, a project of the Independent Media Institute.