'Could get very ugly': Legal experts focus on final day of Fani Willis hearing

The final day of hearings in the complaint against Fulton County District Attorney Fani Willis and a prosecutor on her team, Nathan Wade, began with legal analysts predicting that the arguments against her have failed to prove she should be disqualified.

The issue was whether Willis hired Wade because of their relationship and then benefited from his gifts to her. Law professor Joyce Vance said lawyers for Donald Trump and his co-defendants in the Fulton County RICO case have failed to prove that.

"Legal proceedings often turn on the burden of proof," she wrote on social media. "Here, it’s the defendants who bear that burden. And as salacious as the proceedings have been, they seem to have fallen short. You can’t prove something through a witness who won’t testify to it, and Bradley wouldn’t," she said referring to Terrence Bradley, Wade's former divorce attorney and law partner who was called to give evidence.

Meanwhile, she explained, Bradley had a motive to lie about it and badmouth Wade: she said he left the law practice after an allegation of sexual assault was made against him.

"Texts show he lured the defense lawyer in, but abandoned his claims about the relationship when it came to his testimony on the stand," wrote Vance.

ALSO READ: ‘Leave the drama to them:’ Mother of Lauren Boebert’s grandson speaks out

Fellow law professor Anthony Michael Kreis outlined what he was looking for on the final day of the hearing.

"(1) Arguments over the conflict standard," he wrote on social media. "(2) Is the locus of the argument around when the relationship ended? (3) What does Judge McAfee do with the recent affidavits? (4) Does everyone agree that Terrance Bradley is a liar? And, if so, (it basically has to be) how does that factor into arguments?"

"Finally, is the defense going to lean into an argument Willis and Wade did not testify with candor to the court? That could get very ugly. I’ll be looking for any signal from Judge McAfee if that takes center stage."

You can watch the hearing in the video below or at the link here.

Fani Willis hearing live stream | Arguments on motions to disqualify www.youtube.com

For customer support contact support@rawstory.com. Report typos and corrections to corrections@rawstory.com.

Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-NY) Saturday saw an unlikely person jump to her defense in a feud with a GOP senator over the weekend.

It started with Sen. John Kennedy, a Republican, attacking Ocasio-Cortez and her past bartending experience.

Kennedy said, "The congresswoman is kind of like Vice President Kamala Harris, but with more bartending experience."

That didn't sit well with MAGA lawmaker Rep. Anna Paulina Luna. She said, "I don't agree with a lot AOC does and I can debate with her on it but to knock her or anyone for being a bartender is not a 'hit,' it’s tone deaf."

She went on to say, "Plenty of people don’t come from political pedigree. There are plenty of people who go through school etc. and are hardworking Americans and they have the right to run for office. Shoot, half of DC spends its time in bars and love the bartenders."

She concluded, "NO TAX ON TIPS AND NO TAX ON OVERTIME is FOR the service industry workers. Focus on calling out McConnell for BLOCKING THE SAVE ACT. THATS A WIN! @SenJkennedy."

For her part, Ocasio-Cortez responded to Kennedy by saying, "My having been a waitress makes me 1000x more qualified to govern on behalf of working people than whatever lifelong politician nonsense you’ve swung from your whole career."

"Why should working people vote for you if this is what you think of them?" she asked.

THANKS FOR SUBSCRIBING! ALL ADS REMOVED!

By Bert Johnson, Professor of Political Science, Middlebury College.

Jesse Jackson’s two campaigns for president, in 1984 and 1988, were unsuccessful but historic. The civil rights activist and organizer, who died on Feb. 17, 2026, helped pave the way for Barack Obama’s election a generation later as the nation’s first – and so far only – African American president.

Jackson’s campaigns energized a multiracial coalition that not only provided support for other late-20th-century Democratic politicians, including President Bill Clinton, but helped create an organizing template – a so-called Rainbow Coalition combining Black, Latino, working-class white and young voters – that continues to resonate in progressive politics today.

Vermont, where I teach political science, did not look like fertile ground for Jackson when he first ran for president. Then, as now, Vermont was one of the most homogeneous, predominantly white states. But if Jackson seemed like an awkward fit for a mostly rural, lily-white state, he nonetheless saw possibilities.

He campaigned in Vermont twice in 1984, buoyantly declaring in Montpelier, the state capital, “If I win Vermont, the nation will never be the same again.”

He did not win Vermont, taking just 8 percent of the Democratic primary vote in 1984 but tripling his share to 26 percent in 1988. Appealing to voters in small, rural New England precincts was a remarkable achievement for a candidate identified with Chicago and civil rights campaigns in the South.

Jackson’s presidential ambitions coincided with a pivotal moment in Vermont politics: The state’s voting patterns were shifting left, with new residents arriving and changing the state’s culture and economy. In 1970, nearly 70 percent of Vermonters had been born there. By 1990, that figure had dropped by 10 percentage points.

The Vermont Rainbow Coalition, which was formed to support Jackson’s first campaign, organized a crucial constituency in a fluid time, establishing patterns that would persist for decades.

Setting the standard

Jackson created a “People’s Platform” that would sound familiar to today’s progressives, calling for higher taxes on businesses, higher minimum wages and single-payer, universal health care.

In light of Jackson’s efforts, Vermont activists saw the potential for a durable statewide organization. Rather than disband the Vermont Rainbow Coalition after the 1984 primary, they kept the group going, endorsing candidates in campaigns for the legislature and statewide office in each of the next three election cycles. The coalition also endorsed Bernie Sanders’ failed bid for Congress in 1988.

Sanders served eight years as mayor of Burlington as an “independent socialist,” cultivating a core collection of local allies known as the Progressive Coalition who sought to wrest power away from establishment members of the city’s Board of Aldermen.

In 1992, the Vermont Rainbow Coalition merged with Burlington’s Progressive Coalition to form the statewide Progressive Coalition.

Jackson-Sanders lineage

Sanders eventually went on to win election to the House as an independent in 1990, serving in the chamber until winning his Senate seat, also as an independent, in 2006. His presidential runs in 2016 and 2020 made him a prominent national figure and a leader among progressives.

Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, who unseated a member of the House Democratic leadership in a stunning 2018 primary upset in New York, had been a Sanders campaign organizer and remains his close ally. On Jan. 1, 2026, Sanders swore in Zohran Mamdani – like Ocasio-Cortez, a Democratic socialist – as mayor of New York City.

Sanders had endorsed Jackson for president in 1988. Years later, Jackson returned the favor.

Sanders paid tribute to Jackson at the 2024 Democratic National Convention.

“Jesse Jackson is one of the very most significant political leaders in this country in the last 100 years,” Sanders said. “Jesse’s contribution to modern history is not just bringing us together – it is bringing us together around a progressive agenda.”

Not just Vermont

In Vermont, Jackson performed surprisingly well in unlikely places – taking nearly 20 percent of the 1984 primary vote in working-class Bakersfield and Belvidere, for example.

Today’s Vermont Progressive Party, which emerged out of the old Vermont Progressive Coalition, is one of the most successful third parties in the nation, winning official “major party” status in the state shortly after its official founding in 2000. The party has elected candidates to the state legislature, city councils and even a few statewide offices, including that of lieutenant governor.

Vermont was not alone in experiencing the catalyzing effect of Jackson’s presidential runs. Jackson had a significant mobilizing impact on Black voters nationwide. In Washington state, the Washington Rainbow Coalition started in Seattle and spread across the state between 1984 and 1996. New Jersey and Pennsylvania had their own successful and independent Rainbow Coalitions. In 2003, the Rainbow Coalition Party of Massachusetts joined the Green Party to become the Green Rainbow Party.

In my own research, I’ve investigated the durability of the “Jackson effect” in Vermont. There is no better test of what differentiates the Vermont Progressive Party from the state’s Democratic Party than the 2016 Democratic primary race for lieutenant governor, which pitted progressive David Zuckerman against two prominent, mainstream Democrats.

Zuckerman beat the Democrats most handily in towns that had voted the most heavily for Jesse Jackson in 1984, an effect that persisted even when controlling for population, partisanship and liberalism.

Many people would point to Sanders as the catalyst for Vermont’s continuing progressive movement. But Sanders and the progressives owe much to Jackson.

  • Bert Johnson has taught American politics at Middlebury since 2004. His research and teaching interests include campaign finance, federalism, and state and local politics. Johnson is author of Political Giving: Making Sense of Individual Campaign Contributions (Boulder: FirstForum Press, 2013), and coauthor (with Morris Fiorina, Paul E. Peterson, and William Mayer) of The New American Democracy (Longman, 2011). His articles have appeared in Social Science History, Urban Affairs Review, and American Politics Research. He is owner and author of Basicsplainer.com.

A three-time Donald Trump voter's declaration that the president's current term "just absolutely sucks" sent former Trump FBI official Dan Bongino into a tailspin over the weekend.

It started when self-identified "American nationalist" Evan Kilgore took to X to ask his 187,000 followers, "Who else feels like the second Trump Administration just absolutely sucks??"

The MAGA influencer added, "I say this as a 3 time Trump voter."

That led to a massive response from Bongino, who has been at war with some parts of MAGA since dropping out of the Trump FBI team.

"Did you ever NOTICE that the same people constantly talking about 'noticing,' never seem to notice all of the incredible things happening in the country right now? It’s as if they have an agenda, and that agenda is most definitely not your agenda. I don’t know the deformed hobbit in the quoted post below, except for seeing his occasional bulls--- on my timeline. But, you’ve all been seeing exactly this type of garbage on your timelines too. It’s not authentic, I promise you," the podcaster ranted. "And once you NOTICE it, you’ll never un-notice it. No one is asking real movement people to blindly cheerlead for the administration, but facts do matter. Here are the facts for the astroturf doomers who claim everything 'sucks,' while doing jack s--- to fix anything themselves."

Bongino then listed 16 purported facts about the Trump team's accomplishments before adding, "And this is just the first year of the Trump 47 administration. So forgive me, but a big F#%* YOU to the astroturf doomer crowd. I’m tired of your bulls---, I see exactly what you claim to 'notice' and not, and so do a posse of others."


{{ post.roar_specific_data.api_data.analytics }}