Wisconsin GOP blocks pay raises for university staff unless they end diversity programs

Wisconsin GOP blocks pay raises for university staff unless they end diversity programs
Wisconsin Assembly Speaker Robin Vos (Facebook)

Wisconsin Republicans are holding hostage a pay increase for staff at the University of Wisconsin system, in an effort to force them to dismantle diversity programs, reported the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel on Tuesday.

"The bipartisan Joint Committee on Employee Relations, which consists of legislative leaders, approved a plan to give state workers who do not work within the UW System a 6% pay increase over two years. The group includes state troopers, prison guards and other staffers," reported Tyler Katzenberger and Molly Beck. "But the committee, co-led by Assembly Speaker Robin Vos, did not include pay raises for staff on UW System campuses. Vos has vowed not to approve the raises until UW campuses dismantle programs focused on diversity, equity and inclusion, or DEI."

Democratic Senate Minority Leader Melissa Agard reacted with outrage to the move.

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"We are denying pay increases for half of our state workforce because of one person's [Vos'] resistance to initiatives to increase inclusion on our campuses," said Agard. "This is a sad moment for our state when the majority party is actively holding our workers hostage because they cannot hand them the ability to focus on equity and diversity in the state of Wisconsin."

This comes shortly after Republicans blocked a huge slate of appointees from Democratic Gov. Tony Evers, including a majority of the state environmental board, an elections commissioner, and a medical board chair who supported abortion rights.

Wisconsin's legislature is heavily gerrymandered, with Republicans winning large majorities in both chambers completely disproportionate to the popular vote. The state Supreme Court, which recently saw a liberal majority elected, is likely in the near future to hear a case that could force nonpartisan redistricting in the state.

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Former special counsel Jack Smith is scheduled to testify in a closed-door session before the House Judiciary Committee on Wednesday. Committee Chair Jim Jordan (R-OH) signaled his antagonistic approach when speaking with reporters ahead of the hearing.

Smith had requested a public hearing, which Jordan declined. The closed-door session will focus on Smith's investigations into Donald Trump, which were discontinued following the president's re-election.

According to Politico, Smith faces significant constraints regarding what he can disclose to the committee. Reporters Hailey Fuchs and Kyle Cheney note that these limitations could provoke confrontations with Republicans seeking to place Smith in legal jeopardy. "Smith must navigate Byzantine secrecy laws and rules that limit what he can disclose to lawmakers. All the while, Republicans are looking to trip him up and incriminate him, to portray him as a tool of a weaponized Justice Department — an allegation they've brandished amid recent revelations that Smith obtained phone records of at least eight GOP senators as part of his probe into Trump's efforts to subvert the 2020 election results."

Jordan indicated he intends to pressure Smith regardless of legal restrictions. He told reporters, "What they did all along, everything was wrong … a lot of things that were just not normal course of investigation or prosecution. If he comes in and doesn't answer questions, that's going to be a problem."

As a former DOJ prosecutor, Smith is limited in what he can reveal. While the department issued a waiver, uncertainty remains about its scope.

Additional complications arise from a Florida federal judge's 11-month prohibition on releasing details from Smith's classified documents investigation report. Trump has urged the judge to maintain this restriction indefinitely, further constraining what Smith can legally discuss about that probe.

House Judiciary Committee Rep. Jamie Raskin (D-MD) countered Jordan's approach, stating, "They are trying to get him on the fast road to one of their ridiculous prosecutions."

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The Republican Party has made their "priority" focus a change which Donald Trump has voiced his dislike for.

GOP representatives confirmed they would be pushing for both early and mail-in voting at the midterms next year. Trump has previously aired his dislike for mail-in voting and said he would bar "corrupt" mail voting. This is a pledge he has yet to sign into law, and it seems as though Republican Party members are hoping the president does not interfere with the mail-in rally.

Pennsylvania GOP Chair Greg Rothman told Politico the party would have to evolve and embrace the mail-in voting system should they hope to survive the midterms. He said, "We have to encourage people to embrace mail-in voting and early voting. That has to be a priority for us in 2026."

But the push for mail-in voting, which goes against the wishes of Trump and his rumbling crusade against mail-in votes, comes at a risk of alienating the president from particular ballots. This is not something the GOP can afford, according to conservative activist Cliff Maloney.

He said, "Without Trump on the ballot, the low-propensity problem is an epidemic. Republicans have to adapt or die. The blessing here is that there’s a solution — and the solution is to actually put dollars, cents, time and energy into the same tactics that the left uses to target low-propensity voters."

Trump has made several baseless claims about mail-in votes and the scrutiny of how they are counted and collected. He once suggested Pennsylvania ballots were fraudulent and that postal workers had "purposefully" lost mail-in votes.

Monroe County GOP Chair Todd Gillman remains somewhat skeptical of mail-in voting but believes the party must adapt to the times. He said, "We don’t necessarily like early voting or absentee ballots. But those are the rules we have to play by."

Earlier this year, Trump had made it clear he disliked mail-in votes and went as far as to suggest he would "lead a movement" to get rid of them entirely.

He took to Truth Social and wrote, "I am going to lead a movement to get rid of mail-in ballots, and also, while we’re at it, highly ‘inaccurate, very expensive, and seriously controversial voting machines, which cost ten times more than accurate and sophisticated watermark paper."

"The mail-in ballot hoax, using voting machines that are a complete and total disaster, must end now!"

I have Trump Derangement Syndrome and so does much of America and much of the world.

That’s not a confession of mental illness: it’s an indictment of a political era defined by cruelty, division, and the deliberate poisoning of democratic life.

“Trump Derangement Syndrome” is the phrase Donald Trump and his followers love to fling at anyone who dares to object to his behavior.

But the truth is simpler and far more damning: if millions of Americans and people across the globe are reacting with alarm, anger, and outrage, it’s because Trump has spent years earning that reaction.

Trump Derangement Syndrome isn’t a disease of the critics; it’s the predictable response to a leader who thrives on hate.

Just this week, after the brutal murder of filmmaker Rob Reiner and his wife, Trump responded not with empathy, not with basic human decency, but with venom. He blamed Reiner’s death on what he called Trump Derangement Syndrome and implied that Reiner’s criticism of him somehow provoked the violence.

That’s a sitting president blaming the victim of murder for his own death because he was a political opponent.

That alone should disqualify any leader from public office — even Ted Cruz and Marjorie Taylor Greene were horrified. But it fits a long and escalating pattern: Trump has turned cruelty into a governing philosophy that he’s trying to spread all across America.

He goes after the press relentlessly, calling journalists enemies, liars, and traitors. He recently called a woman reporter “piggy” in a public exchange. That isn’t strength: it’s bullying from a man who can’t tolerate scrutiny and knows that undermining the free press is the fastest way to weaken a democracy that might hold him to account.

He attacks Democrats without restraint, calling them vermin, communists, and enemies of the nation. He attacks Republicans who dare to disagree with him, labeling them disloyal, corrupt, or deserving of punishment.

In Trump’s worldview, disagreement is betrayal, dissent is psychological pathology, and loyalty to him personally replaces loyalty to the Constitution.

And he’s made it clear that he believes the machinery of justice should serve his vendettas. Trump openly brags about using the Department of Justice to go after his political enemies. Not criminals: enemies. That’s the language of authoritarianism.

In a democracy, the law restrains power. In Trump’s tyrannical vision, the law is a weapon of power.

Trump’s hate isn’t abstract; it hits real communities with real consequences. Somali Americans were singled out by name, accused of stealing, of not belonging, of being a “problem” population. Immigration enforcement actions followed the rhetoric, and suddenly entire communities live under suspicion. This is collective punishment based on race, religion, and nationality. It’s racism dressed up as policy.

Trump continues to demean Black and brown countries, describing them as undesirable, dangerous, or worthless. He’s revived the same toxic worldview that says some people matter less because of where they come from or the color of their skin. That worldview has always been poison to democracy.

And then there’s the constant mockery of tragedy. After a deadly shooting at Brown University, Trump responded with a shrug and the words “things can happen.” For survivors and grieving families, that wasn’t leadership, it was indifference. It was the sound of a man so consumed by grievance and narcissism that he isn’t capable of speaking to the pain of others.

This is what creates Trump Derangement Syndrome. Not disagreements over tax policy or trade deals, but his daily assault on empathy, truth, and democratic norms.

When a leader models contempt, his followers learn it. When a leader dehumanizes others, society fractures. When a leader tells millions of people that their neighbors are enemies, eventually someone believes him enough to act.

History teaches us this lesson over and over. Democracies don’t usually collapse overnight, they erode. They rot from the inside when leaders convince people that hate is strength, that cruelty is honesty, and that only one man represents the nation and everyone else is suspect.

We’re seeing that erosion in real time today. Trust in institutions is collapsing. Political violence becomes easier to justify. The idea of a shared national identity dissolves into warring tribes.

That is not an accident. It’s the direct result of rhetoric Trump specifically intend to use to divide us against each other.

So, what do we do?

  • First, we stop accepting the lie embedded in the phrase Trump Derangement Syndrome. Being alarmed by authoritarian behavior is not derangement, it’s citizenship and love of country. It’s moral clarity. It’s the immune response of a democratic society under attack.
  • Second, we demand leaders who heal rather than inflame. Leaders who speak to our better angels instead of our darkest fears. Leaders who understand that democracy depends on restraint, humility, and respect for human dignity.
  • Third, we show up. We vote. We organize. We defend the press, the rule of law, and the rights of those targeted by Trump’s hate. Silence is the fuel of authoritarianism; engagement is its enemy.

America doesn’t need or want a strongman. We need and crave a uniter, a president who understands that power is a responsibility, not a license to abuse.

If that means the world continues to suffer from Trump Derangement Syndrome, so be it. The real moral and political sickness is pretending this is normal.

Democracy survives only if we choose it. Now is the time to choose.

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