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    Trump detests Christians -- and he deceived pastors and mocked them after they left Trump Tower: Michael Cohen's 'Disloyal'

    David Cay Johnston, DCReport @ RawStory
    September 08, 2020

    Thanks for your support!

    This article was paid for by reader donations to Raw Story Investigates.

    Pastors pray over Trump (Photo: Screen capture)

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    David Cay Johnston, DCReport @ RawStory

    Michael Cohen’s book about his years as Donald Trump’s fixer is a clarion call to Christians to wake up and recognize that the man many of them revere as a heavenly agent is a religious fraud who loathes them and mocks their faith.


    In Disloyal, published today, Cohen shows how Trump is a master deceiver. He quotes Trump calling Christianity and its religious practices “bullshit,” soon after he masterfully posed as a fervent believer. In truth, Cohen writes, Trump’s religion is unbridled lust for money and power at any cost to others.

    “Can you believe that people believe that bullshit,” Trump said after pastors prayed over him.

    Cohen’s insider stories add significant depth to my own documenting of Trump’s repeated and public denouncements of Christians as “fools,” “idiots,” and “schmucks.”

    In extensive writing and speeches, Trump has declared that his life philosophy is “revenge.” That stance is aggressively anti-Christian. So are Trump’s often publicly expressed desires to violently attack others, mostly women, and his many remarks that he derives pleasure from ruining the lives of people over such minor matters as declining to do him a favor.

    Cohen describes himself as an “active participant” with Trump in activities ranging from “golden showers in a sex club in Vegas” to corrupt deals with Russian officials.

    Cohen reinforces these facts with new anecdotes about Trump’s utter disregard for other people and his contempt for religious belief. Cohen’s words should shock the believers who were critical to his becoming president, provided they ever read them. By denouncing the book Trump has ensured that many of those he has tricked into believing he is a deeply religious man will never fulfill their Christian duty to be on the lookout for deceivers.

    None of the evangelicals I have interviewed in the past five years knew that in writing Trump has denounced their beliefs and written of the communion host as “my little cracker.”

    Trump Detests Christianity

    Despite the irrefutable evidence that Trump detests Christianity and ridicules such core beliefs as the Golden Rule and turning the other cheek, America is filled with pastors who praise him to their flocks as a man of god. Trump himself has looked heavenward outside the White House to imply he was chosen by god.

    Pastors who support Trump were scolded two years ago by Christianity Today, a magazine founded by Billy Graham, for not denouncing Trump as “profoundly immoral.” Many evangelical pastors then attacked the magazine rather than following the Biblical incantation to examine their own souls.

    Cohen writes that as a young man who grew up encountering Mafiosi and other crooks at a country club he fell into the “trace like spell” of Trump, whom he describes as an utterly immoral, patriarchal mob boss and con man.

    Trump is “consumed by the worldly lust for wealth and rewards,” Cohen writes, which puts him at odds with the teaching of Jesus Christ about what constitutes a good life.

    “Places of religious worship held absolutely no interest to him, and he possessed precisely zero personal piety in his life,” Cohen writes.

    Prosperity Gospel Embraced

    Cohen explains that the only version of Christianity that could possibly interest Trump is the “prosperity gospel.” That is a perverse belief that financial wealth is a sign of heavenly approval rooted in 19th Century occult beliefs that is anathema to Christian scripture.

    Many actual Christians regard the prosperity gospel as evil. The evangelical magazine founded by Billy Graham, Christianity Today, calls it “an aberrant theology” promoted by such disgraced televangelists including Jimmy Swaggart and Jim and Tammy Baker.

    Early in Trump’s aborted 2012 presidential campaign, Cohen writes, he was ordered to reach out to faith communities. Soon Paula White, now the White House adviser on faith, proposed a meeting at Trump Tower with evangelical leaders. Cohen writes that Trump liked White because she was blonde and beautiful.

    Cohen said that among those attending were Jerry Falwell Jr., who recently resigned in disgrace as head of Liberty University, and Creflo Dollar, who solicited donations for a $65 million corporate jet and who was criminally charged that year with choking his daughter. Dollar said those charges were the work of the devil.

    Once the evangelical leaders took their seats, Cohen writes, Trump quickly and slickly portrayed himself as a man of deep faith. Cohen writes that this was nonsense.

    Laying on Hands

    After soaking in Trump’s deceptions, the leaders proposed laying hands on Trump, a religious affirmation of divine approval. Cohen was astounded when Trump, a germaphobe, eagerly accepted.

    “If you knew Trump as I did, the vulgarian salivating over beauty contestants or mocking Roger Stone’s” sexual proclivities “you would have a hard time keeping a straight face at the sight of him affecting the serious and pious mien of a man of faith. I knew I could hardly believe the performance or the fact that these folks were buying it,” Cohen writes.

    “Watching Trump I could see that he knew exactly how to appeal to the evangelicals’ desires and vanities – who they wanted him to be, not who he really was. Everything he was telling them about himself was absolutely untrue.”

    To deceive the evangelicals, Cohen writes, Trump would “say whatever they wanted to hear.”

    A Perverse Epiphany

    Trump’s ease at deception became for Cohen an epiphany, though a perverse one.

    In that moment, Cohen writes, he realized the boss would someday become president because Trump “could lie directly to the faces of some of the most powerful religious leaders in the country and they believed him.”

    Later that day, Cohen writes, he met up with Trump in his office.

    “Can you believe that bullshit,” Trump said of the laying on of hands. “Can you believe that people believe that bullshit.”

    Cohen also writes about Trump’s desire, expressed behind closed doors, to destroy those who offend him.  Trump has said the same, though less vividly, in public.

    “I love getting even,” Trump declared in his book Think Big, espousing his anti-Christian philosophy. “Go for the jugular. Attack them in spades!”

    He reiterated that philosophy this year at the National Prayer Breakfast. Holding up two newspapers with banner headlines reporting his Senate acquittal on impeachment charges, Trump said, “I don't like people who use their faith as justification for doing what they know is wrong. Nor do I like people who say, 'I pray for you,' when they know that that's not so."

    Trump spoke after Arthur Brooks, a prominent conservative, told the breakfast meeting that “contempt is ripping our country apart.”

    Mr. Brooks went on: “We’re like a couple on the rocks in this country… Ask God to take political contempt from your heart. And sometimes, when it’s too hard, ask God to help you fake it.”

    Everyone in the room rose to applaud Brooks except Trump, though he finally stood up as the applause died down, rose.

    Taking the microphone, Trump said, “Arthur, I don’t know if I agree with you… I don’t know if Arthur is going to like what I’m going to say.”

    Trump then said he didn’t believe in forgiveness. That is just as Cohen wrote: “Trump is not a forgiving person.” Trump's words at the prayer breakfast made clear that he rejects the teaching of Jesus at Luke 6:27: "Love your enemies, do good to those who hate you.”

    The question pastors should raise in their Sunday sermons, the question Cohen's book lays before them, is how can any Christian support a man who mocks Christianity, embraces revenge as his only life philosophy, and rejects that most basic Biblical teaching --  forgiveness.

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    White women's central role in white supremacy: Marjorie Taylor Greene is not an aberation

    Chauncey Devega, Salon
    March 01, 2021

    Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, the infamous Georgia Republican, has shown herself to be an anti-Semite and a white supremacist. She is also a bigot who last week posted a sign outside her congressional office that reads, "There are two genders: Male and Female. Trust the Science." This was a direct attack on Rep. Marie Newman, an Illinois Democrat whose office is directly across the hall, and who has a trans daughter.

    Greene is also anti-science and believes in all kinds of things that most intelligent and well-informed people would reject as absurd and delusional. And like so many newly radicalized "conservatives," she proclaims her political affiliation as an identity. Several weeks ago, to protest her loss of committee assignments, Greene wrote on Twitter:

    If @SpeakerPelosi was the minority leader, she would pull every identity politics trick in the book to defend her member.
    White, Woman, Wife, Mother, Christian, Conservative, Business Owner
    These are the reasons they don't want me on Ed & Labor.
    It's my identity & my values.

    It is no coincidence that Greene's white identity politics proclamation echoes the slogans used by neo-Nazis, the Ku Klux Klan and other white supremacist terror organizations.

    Greene has suggestive links to the Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol, which was an element of Donald Trump's coup attempt aiming to nullify the results of the 2020 presidential election. Greene appears to share the values and beliefs of the insurrectionists who overran the Capitol, including the "big lie" that the election was rigged against Trump and his followers.

    Until recently, Greene professed a belief in the anti-Semitic QAnon conspiracy theory, which imagines a global cabal of famous liberals exploiting children and then eating them. She claims to have reconsidered, but nearly a third of Republican voters believe in all or part of the QAnon delusion, and 60 percent share her belief that there was or is a "Deep State" plot against Trump and the Republican Party.

    Contrary to what the mainstream news media with its hope peddlers and stenographers of current events would like to believe, Marjorie Taylor Greene is not a fringe figure or aberration. In many respects, she is the present and future of the Republican Party.

    Across the country, "traditional" Republicans are being censured and marginalized by the party and its followers because they are deemed disloyal to Donald Trump and his neofascist movement. Greene was treated as a conquering hero and role model at last week's CPAC gathering in Florida, not as someone to be marginalized, shamed or shunned. Like so many other figures on the contemporary right, Greene is as much a performer as a politician. CNN's Chris Cillizza discussed this recently in describing dueling videos released by Greene and Newman:

    The back-and-forth between Newman and Greene is a reminder of an increasingly common strain in the Republican Party in the Trump age: Performative politics as an end in and of itself. … And of course, it worked. Greene's video had 4.3 million views on Twitter as of Thursday morning, double the number that Newman's video had gathered. It will further cement her status as a Trumpian cultural warrior, battling the forces of "woke" culture and standing up for traditional values. … Her sole interest is in building her Twitter followers, her small-dollar donor base and her profile on Fox News. That's success for Greene. That's how she views the job of representing the people of the 14th district of Georgia.

    But to mock Greene by saying that she is an aberrant nutcase, or some other insult, is to ignore the danger that she and others like her represent to American democracy and society.

    In fact, Marjorie Taylor Greene can be located within a longer history of white women's central role in right-wing politics in America. Greene and her obvious predecessor Sarah Palin have helped advance the Republican Party's decades-long turn toward right-wing extremism and other anti-democratic and anti-human values and beliefs, while feeding on deeply flawed assumptions that white women as a group are "naturally" liberal or progressive.

    In an effort to address that political dynamic in the present as well as its long history, I recently spoke with Elizabeth Gillespie McRae. She is an associate professor of history at Western Carolina University and author of the recent book "Mothers of Massive Resistance: White Women and the Politics of White Supremacy." This conversation has been edited, as usual, for clarity and length.

    What are some civics lessons we can draw from from the attack on the Capitol and the aftermath of the Age of Trump more generally? As a historian, what do you see?

    For me, the civics lesson is how tenuous our devotion to democracy is. We are going to have to figure out how to protect our democracy in ways that we have not done before. It is quite difficult to ignore the wide-scale attack on America's democratic institutions under Donald Trump. It is clear that there are many people who are committed to actively destroying those institutions.

    Much of the writing after that attack has been framed by surprise at the fact that white women were central to that act of treason, and to the white right more generally. That reaction is willfully ahistorical, I would suggest. White women have been central to white supremacy in America. They were not co-opted or peripheral or somehow coerced. White women were and are enthusiastic participants in that political project. Why are so many white commentators surprised by this?

    Let us not forget how many white women supported Roy Moore in Alabama, a man who publicly discusses his love of underage girls and has been caught being involved with them. The connections between white women and white right-wing extremism and racism has deep and tenacious roots in America. If one looks at images of the protests against school integration and the Brown v. Board of Education decision during Jim Crow, it is white women who are out on the streets harassing black people — including children.

    One does not have to go digging in archives to find this information. It was on the front pages of national newspapers. Denying the role of white women in right-wing politics, the most ugly examples of it, promotes what I would describe as gender essentialism. It is a very anti-feminist proposition that women's political consciousness is somehow married to a biological notion of motherhood, one that is equitable and generous. As we know, the impetus to protect one's child often does not turn into a collective action. It wasn't true in 1920 and it is not true today.

    What sustains this narrative about the innocence of white women and white femininity?

    As a historical example, the Southern white women who actively supported school integration were a minority of white women as a group. Most Southern white women failed to support racial integration or the broader Black freedom struggle. The assumption that white women are inherently part of some type of progressive or liberal politics is fundamentally flawed. I don't know if that is because there are certain white women who perpetuate the narrative because of collective narcissism or wishful thinking. I suspect it is partially a result of the producers of white supremacist narratives (often white women) doing their job so well. Again, it represents a type of gender essentialism about white women and politics and society more broadly.

    When I have given talks on my book "Mothers of Massive Resistance" to various audiences what I am sharing is just an affirmation of what most Black and brown folks already know. My history isn't new history for them. The facts and figures may be new, but the overall argument is not. Black and brown people understand white women's investment in white supremacist politics and the implications of it. By comparison, with many white audiences my discussions and my book summon up multiple manifestations of white innocence. There are so many levels of white racial innocence that are built into the American historical narrative, a narrative that has been policed, shaped and sustained by white women in particular.

    The story of race in America, and especially in the post-civil rights era, is about "white spaces" being heavily policed by the white community. Not by formal law enforcement per se, but rather because the "average" white person — see the "Karen" phenomenon — feels empowered to harass and even threaten the lives of Black and brown people who are deemed not to "belong" in a given space. What do we know about white women and their role in "protecting" white spaces?

    White women have created many of those "white spaces." They also police those spaces in terms of historical memory and an investment in a kind of racist etiquette. Elite white women were and are able to gain much economic and social and other benefits from being involved in that project.

    Sarah Palin and the Tea Party women were a bridge to Trumpism. The mainstream news media and public more generally decided to mock and make fun of Palin because she was deemed to be unintelligent and unsophisticated, a type of country "rube." In reality, Palin was and is an important cultural and political figure. It is too easy for some to mock her instead of taking her, and the kind of right-wing populism and "producerism" she represents, seriously as a threat to American democracy.

    Many of the women who have become most prominent in American national politics are white women who are part of that right-wing populist lineage, as opposed to a more progressive one. Sarah Palin was nominated for vice president in 2008 in order to bring in the same voters who would then be critical for Trump's victory in 2016, and to his movement more generally.

    Palin is part of the same right-wing trajectory and world as Marjorie Taylor Greene, who is also being mocked for her conspiracist beliefs, her apparent ignorance and her allegiance to white supremacy, anti-Semitism and fascism. On Twitter, Greene proclaimed that she had been victimized by Nancy Pelosi and the Democrats because she is "white, woman, wife, mother, Christian, conservative and business owner." She also referenced "identity politics." She literally summoned up white supremacist talking points that are part of the same vocabulary as the infamous neo-Nazi "14 words." This language went largely uncommented upon by the mainstream news media, which appears willfully ignorant of these white supremacist codes.

    That is the actual ranking, in terms of the white right and white women's identities and value. "White" is the most important marker. Then womanhood and motherhood. Then business owner and Christian. Whiteness and racial oppression and violence are central to a conception of what it means to be a white woman of the right who holds "traditional values." Motherhood and womanhood are fused and racialized in the story that Marjorie Taylor Greene and the white right are telling.

    How can we better communicate how dangerous Greene and others like her are to the United States and multiracial democracy?

    Is she dangerous? Yes, because it is dangerous to talk about white women with politics such as Marjorie Taylor Greene's in ways that diminish them as political actors. To my eyes, to minimize the dangers represented by white right-wing women is a 21st-century version of the "hysterical woman." One of the ways the country reached this authoritarian right-wing populist moment, with Trump and his followers and all the dangers they embody, is that women such as Marjorie Taylor Greene have been viewed as somehow outside the American experience rather than a central part of it.

    Exclusive: Emails reveal secret 'war games' meeting and other Pro-Trump shenanigans by Republican Attorneys General

    Ray Hartmann
    March 01, 2021

    The nation's Republican attorneys general were far more involved than previously known in using their offices -- and state employees -- for undisclosed partisan purposes over a period of several months in 2020 and this year.

    A trove of emails uncovered by a public-records search in Missouri shows that the Republican Attorneys General Association (RAGA) staged secret events attended not only by AG's but by their staffs. It also uncovered a stunning array of political activities connected directly (at least in some cases) to official email accounts of the top state law-enforcement officials.

    RAGA has already been ensnared in scandal with the revelation of a January 5 robocall urging people to attend the Capitol rally that resulted in the violent insurrection the next day. That call by the Rule of Law Defense Fund (RLDF) -- a RAGA subsidiary -- prompted the January 11 resignation of Adam Piper, RAGA's executive director.

    But RAGA also used RLDF for a wide range of other secret political activities that were uncovered by the Sunshine Law request to the office of Missouri Attorney General Eric Schmitt. Included in the 90 pages of documents obtained by the search were emails -- to Schmitt's state office -- from Piper and Peter Bisbee, RLDF executive director and RAGA policy director.

    The emails uncovered numerous activities not publicly known. A report compiled by Elad Gross, a St. Louis attorney, found the following:


    A secret "War Games" event was held in late September to plan contingencies for a potential Trump loss on November 3. Emails addressed to "Generals" by Piper on September 24 and 25 indicate it was attended by at least 44 senior attorneys general staff members (32 in person and 12 virtually). "It was a fast paced, productive series of war games, which hopefully will not have to be utilized in November," Piper wrote.

    RLDF held at least 30 meetings for state attorney general senior staff from July 2020 to mid-January 2021, including one on January 5 during business hours.

    RAGA sent emails addressed to "Generals" with descriptions of independent expenditures the group was making in attorney general races. In a September 19 email -- sent in Schmitt's (and probably others) to an official state email account, Piper said, "We had one of our best deposit weeks in RAGA history and are in a position to shatter RAGA􏰃s previous Q3 and September fundraising records. We need your help with call sheets/renewals/prospects and helping ensure we have the resources to keep and expand our majority in November."

    Nineteen corporations and organizations that paid for special access to GOP attorneys general and their staffs held policy sessions, including one with Schmitt, RAGA's vice president, called "The Business of Making Friends."

    RLDF, a 501c-4 political dark money group, maintained regular contact with attorneys general staffers, including five meetings in December and the January 5 meeting.


    Gross, a former Democratic primary candidate for attorney general in Missouri, told Raw Story he embarked on the research because of suspicions about RAGA's involvement in politicizing its members' activities. But because he was asking for information from an official state account, he wasn't expecting much.

    "I could not believe what we found," Gross said. "Most states, if not all, have laws prohibiting the use of state employees for political purposes. It was incredible to see the degree to which they've been involved with RAGA and its subsidiary.

    "We found that a political dark money organization was coordinating with state officials and their staffs all across the country for many months prior to the January 6 "Stop the Steal" event," Gross said. "And we now know that in September they got together to prepare for steps they would take including plans around "election integrity. They continued to meet after the election right up through January 5."

    Even beyond RAGA's untoward involvement around election issues, the emails documented a pattern of direct corporate influence with the states' top law-enforcement officials, Gross said.

    "Probably the most amazing thing to me is how they were selling access to large campaign donors, giving $50,000 in many cases," Gross said. "Those donations were getting them official access, not only to AGs but to their senior staffs."

    Gross' research in Missouri corroborated other information from around the nation. While Schmitt and all other Republican attorneys general maintain they had no knowledge of RAGA or RLDF involvement in the robocall urging Trump supporters to come to the Capitol, the emails make it impossible for them to argue they weren't aware of the groups' political connections to their offices.

    Maybe not impossible. In response to inquiries by the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, a Schmitt spokesman claimed RLDF is a "policy organization and as you can expect, we collaborate with other Republican attorneys general offices on matters of policy, sign on opportunities, and potential lawsuits, just as we do with broader organizations like the National Association of Attorneys General (NAAG)."

    But the NAAG is an apolitical 501C-3 organization, not a political 501C-4 like RLDF, which means it cannot accept and pass along dark-money donations as RLDF does.

    RAGA's connection to Republican politics -- and Trump in particular -- is hardly anecdotal. In addition to the infamous robocall, Piper was outed by The American Prospect for his personal role January 5:

    "According to a Trump administration appointee, the executive director of RAGA, Adam Piper, was among those who met with Donald Trump Jr., Eric Trump, and top Trump officials the night before the "Stop the Steal" rally. Piper was forced to quit over the organization's association with the riot."

    Similarly, there was this from SourceWatch, quite similar to what Gross found:

    "Idaho Attorney General Lawrence Wasden's office writes in an email obtained by the Center for Media and Democracy that it will "not be participating in any RLDF activities until further notice," and any participation in RAGA will be "subject to the approval of Attorney General Wasden." The email sent shortly after the January 6, 2021 insurrection at the U.S. Capitol of which the Rule of Law Defense Fund and Republican Attorneys General Association was tied to invites the Idaho AG to a "senior staff call."

    Wasden was not alone in trying to put some distance between RAGA and himself.

    "Florida Attorney General Ashley Moody had touted in her online biography her role on the board of directors to a conservative group that has been criticized for its role in the insurrection in Washington last week, according to a report in the Tampa Bay Times. By Monday morning, Moody removed the line on her bio on the official state website for the Florida Attorney General that detailed her role as "recognized as a national leader" among Republicans with The Rule of Law Defense Fund."

    Marjorie Taylor Greene wants us to ‘trust the science’ on transgender rights. Here’s the science.

    Chicago Tribune
    March 01, 2021

    It’s amazing that Jewish space lasers and Satan-worshipping, child-abusing Democratic cabals and 9/11 hoax drivel could strike a person as more believable than gender fluidity. But here we are, with U.S. Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, promoter of all of the above, doubling down on transphobia. The occasion? The House of Representatives voting to pass the Equality Act, which would ban discrimination based on gender identity and sexual orientation. As you’ve likely read, U.S. Rep. Marie Newman, a Democrat from LaGrange, gave a speech on the House floor in favor of the Equality Act. In the speech, ...

     
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