• Subscriptions
    • Log in
    Ad-Free Login - Go Ad-Free & Join The Movement
    The fight for Democracy hasn’t ended. Join Raw Story Investigates for $1. Support honest journalism.
    The fight for Democracy hasn’t ended. Join Raw Story Investigates for $1. Support honest journalism.Click to enable push notifications.
    Listen Now: The New Raw Story PodcastUS NEWSOpinionvideoget the newsletter
    AD-FREE LOGIN
    Ad-Free Login - Go Ad-Free & Join The Movement
    The fight for Democracy hasn’t ended. Join Raw Story Investigates for $1. Support honest journalism.
    The fight for Democracy hasn’t ended. Join Raw Story Investigates for $1. Support honest journalism.Click to enable push notifications.
    • Home
    • New: Shop to Support Independent Journalism
    • We Have Issues
    • Trump
    • U.S. News
    • Video
    • Ad-Free Login
    Tired of ads? Want to support our progressive journalism? Click to learn more.
    JOIN FOR $1

    Mix Trump's fear and loathing of China with his tariffs and you've got a recipe for toxic stew that will kill the economy

    David Cay Johnston, DCReport @ RawStory
    June 11, 2019

    Thanks for your support!

    This article was paid for by reader donations to Raw Story Investigates.

    Chinese President Xi Jinping and U.S. President Donald Trump. REUTERS/File Photos

    This article was paid for by Raw Story subscribers. Not a subscriber? Try us and go ad-free for $1. Prefer to give a one-time tip? Click here.

    David Cay Johnston, DCReport @ RawStory

    Donald Trump tweeted in May that by imposing a 25% tariff on $250 billion of Chinese goods “China would greatly slow down, and we would automatically speed up!”


    But that’s not what’s happening, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) reported today. Economic growth is easing in developed countries with one big exception – China.

    In a report released today, the OECD provided four revealing graphics covering the United States, the 32 OECD countries from New Zealand to Austria, the Euro zone which uses a common currency and China.

    Notice that each line ends on the right pointing down except for China, which is trending up.

    The blue triangles above indicate the start of clear trends showing either improved economic growth or slowing growth. Triangles without shading indicate trends that are not so clear and may reverse.

    There are signs aplenty that the American economy is slowing down. In May just 75,000 new jobs were added, bringing the average so far this year down to 164,000 jobs, well below the kind of job growth since the recovery from the Great Recession started in early 2010.

    Manufacturing jobs, which Trump said would blossom on his watch, were flat in May. Give that U.S. exports of goods fell by 4.2% in April the outlook for manufacturing jobs this summer is not good.

    Don’t expect Trump to speak of this, however, at least not in any logical and structured way. The self-proclaimed “very stable genius” demonstrates again and again that he doesn’t understand economics even though in 1968 Penn gave him a degree in the dismal science.

    While Trump claims to be a world class expert on tariffs, his own words show he does not even understand the basics. Consider this tweet:

    Wrong. Totally, completely, 100% wrong.

    Tariffs are paid to Treasury by American companies that import goods, not China.

    Companies that import Chinese goods must either absorb the cost of the tariffs, which makes them less profitable, or pass the cost on to consumers by raising prices. Guess which option is overwhelmingly more likely.

    Raising prices on imported goods to cover the cost of the Trump tariffs means that domestic companies can raise their prices, too. Generally, domestic companies can hike prices up to the level of the imported goods plus tariffs.

    That means American consumers pay more even if they buy American made products instead of imports from China.

    Companies that import goods from China could move production ere. The problem is that this is not just expensive, and takes time, but the money would be wasted if Trump suddenly ends the tariffs.

    That is exactly what we say with Trump’s vow to impose a 5% tariff on goods imported from Mexico starting Monday June 10. Trump reversed himself before the Mexican tariffs would have taken effect, claiming he had just made a great deal with Mexico.

    Trouble is, Mexico agreed to some Trump demands late last year, as the Trump administration told Congress in December.

    The smart money holds that Trump never intended to impose those tariffs, which were part of a ploy to proclaim himself a great negotiator who got Mexico to change its policies.

    And the claim by Trump and Pence that they just reached a secret deal with Mexico that will soon become public? The Mexican government says that’s sheer fantasy.

    TRUMP TAX HIKES

    While Trump proclaims himself the greatest ever tax-cutting president his administration has nearly doubled tariffs on imports.

    Tariffs are taxes. They function like the retail sales tax added to your purchases at the cash register except that they are invisible to you since no law mandates listing tariffs on receipts. Think of Trump’s tariffs as a stealth tax hike on consumers.

    Since the start of the 2019 federal budget year, which began Oct. 1, tariffs totaled just shy of $40 billion, Treasury data shows. That’s almost double the tariffs imposed during the same period three years ago under President Obama.

    Trump insisted Monday June 10 that he will soon have a great trade deal with China.

    “China will, in my opinion, based on a lot of facts and a lot of knowledge, China's going to make a deal because they're going to have to make a deal,” Trump told Joe Kernen of CNBC.

    Then Trump veered off into nonsense. “If you look at China, China, as great as they are and they are great, they are near the capability of our geniuses in Silicon Valley that walk around in undershirts and they were not $2 billion a piece."

    Even Trump can’t have meant what he said, talking of underwear that costs $2 billion per piece. Let’s hope so.

    But delusional statements, which I’ve watched Trump make for three decades, permeate much of what he says.

    In the past Trump has told lurid tales of imaginary lovers and imaginary executives, as I documented in my biography The Making of Donald Trump. On CNBC Monday Trump called upon his imaginary “they” to invent a conversation with the paramount leader in Beijing:

    President Xi, we have a great relationship.

    I say, “How is it possible that you got away with this for so long?”

    And he said, “Because nobody ever asked us to change.”

    It’s true.

    And they said to me, “We expected that somebody would call and say, ‘You cannot do that.’ Nobody called so we left it.”

    And I don't blame them. We should have been doing the same thing to them. But we didn't.

    What’s going on here? Fear. Trump lives in fear. He fears people will see his tax returns and bank records, exposing his claims of being worth billions as pure fantasy. He fears what those around him may say so he makes them sign lifetime nondisclosure agreements.

    How fear of China consumes Trump was revealed in a story that did not get much attention in April.

    Flying back from China on Air Force One, Trump telephoned former President Jimmy Carter, who in 1979 normalized diplomatic relations with Beijing.

    Trump expressed fears about China overtaking the United States as an economic and political power, Carter told his Sunday School class at Maranatha Baptist Church in Plains, Georgia. “China is getting ahead of us,” Carter quoted Trump as saying.

    Carter then made an interesting point, noting that the United States has been in wars for all but 16 years since its founding 242 years ago.

    Wars are a costly drain on an economy, diverting money that could go to productive civilian use into financing the death and destruction caused by bombs and other weapons. Much of the cost of war is spending overseas rather than at home, exactly what Trump claims is the reason he imposed tariffs on Chinese goods.

    Emma Hurt, a reporter for WABE public radio in Atlanta who broke the story, quoted Carter as saying China is not engaged in war anywhere and has not been for decades:

    Carter suggested that instead of war, China has been investing in its own infrastructure, mentioning that China has 18,000 miles of high-speed railroad.

    “How many miles of high-speed railroad do we have in this country?”

    Zero, the congregation answered.

    “We have wasted I think $3 trillion,” Carter said of American military spending. “… It’s more than you can imagine. China has not wasted a single penny on war and that’s why they’re ahead of us. In almost every way.

    Trump just sent ships and troops to the Middle East in what he said he hopes will not become a war with Iran. That is a reversal of his campaign promise to get America out of Middle East combat.

    But, hey, Trump tariffs are sure to make China poor and all that money Trump imagines is flowing into the Treasury Department will pay for any new wars, right?

    Only in Donald’s jumbled mind. Meanwhile, hold fast to your wallet if you can because Trump’s tax increases, euphemistically called tariffs, are going to make it thinner.

    This article was paid for by Raw Story subscribers. Not a subscriber? Try us and go ad-free for $1. Prefer to give a one-time tip? Click here.

    Enjoy good journalism?

    … then let us make a small request. The COVID crisis has slashed advertising rates, and we need your help. Like you, we here at Raw Story believe in the power of progressive journalism. Raw Story readers power David Cay Johnston’s DCReport, which we've expanded to keep watch in Washington. We’ve exposed billionaire tax evasion and uncovered White House efforts to poison our water. We’ve revealed financial scams that prey on veterans, and legal efforts to harm workers exploited by abusive bosses. And unlike other news outlets, we’ve decided to make our original content free. But we need your support to do what we do.

    Raw Story is independent. Unhinged from corporate overlords, we fight to ensure no one is forgotten.

    We need your support in this difficult time. Every reader contribution, whatever the amount, makes a tremendous difference. Invest with us. Make a one-time contribution to Raw Story Investigates, or click here to become a subscriber. Thank you. Click to donate by check.

    Value Raw Story?

    … then let us make a small request. The COVID crisis has slashed advertising rates, and we need your help. Like you, we believe in the power of progressive journalism — and we’re investing in investigative reporting as other publications give it the ax. Raw Story readers power David Cay Johnston’s DCReport, which we've expanded to keep watch in Washington. We’ve exposed billionaire tax evasion and uncovered White House efforts to poison our water. We’ve revealed financial scams that prey on veterans, and efforts to harm workers exploited by abusive bosses. We need your support to do what we do.

    Raw Story is independent. You won’t find mainstream media bias here. Every reader contribution, whatever the amount, makes a tremendous difference. Invest with us in the future. Make a one-time contribution to Raw Story Investigates, or click here to become a subscriber. Thank you.

    Report typos and corrections to: corrections@rawstory.com.
    READ COMMENTS - JOIN THE DISCUSSION

    Do you approve of Biden's presidency so far?

    Senate Republicans bailing out on 2022 are opening the door for more QAnon candidates and Trumpers

    Ramsey Touchberry, Salon
    March 09, 2021

    A slew of Republican senators have thrown in the towel. At least five GOP incumbents are planning not to run for re-election next year, making way for a potential seismic ideological shift in the upper chamber.

    With most of the outgoing lawmakers considered to be old school, pragmatic conservatives, their GOP colleagues say the institution may be adrift without their leadership.

    This exodus may offer Democrats increased optimism that they may be able to hold onto a Senate, despite the long tradition that the sitting president's party typically loses seats in midterm elections. But on the other side of the aisle, it remains to be seen what path the Republican Party chooses to go down: Does it back candidates who align themselves with Donald Trump, or those who try to distance themselves from him?

    The writing is on the wall, argues GOP strategist Susan Del Percio, citing the retaliatory measures numerous state Republican parties have taken against members of their party who voted to impeach Trump. But Del Percio sees danger here: Shifting further to the Trumpian right would further undermine the possibility of substantive policy debate and open the door for more Democratic wins, she said.

    "It's the latest casualty of what Trump has done to the Republican Party," Del Percio told Salon. "State committees are Trump-controlled. You'll see people go more and more to the right in who they nominate and support. It doesn't mean they'll win the seat."

    On Monday, Sen. Roy Blunt of Missouri became the fifth GOP senator to reveal that he will not seek re-election next year, joining a list of departing colleagues that has swelled in recent months.

    Blunt's revelation meant that one-tenth of the Senate Republican Conference is leaving, a startling statistic that could continue to grow; Ron Johnson of Wisconsin and Chuck Grassley of Iowa have not yet announced their plans for 2022. (Grassley, now in his seventh term, will turn 88 just before the next midterm election.) Zero Senate Democrats have said they plan to retire.

    "After 14 general election victories — three to county office, seven to the United States House of Representatives and four statewide elections — I won't be a candidate for re-election to the United States Senate next year," Blunt said in a video statement posted to social media. He did not cite a specific reason for his decision to step aside.

    A leadership member who often immersed himself in detailed policy negotiations as an institutionalist and conservative lawmaker, the 71-year-old has now joined Richard Burr of North Carolina, Pat Toomey of Pennsylvania, Richard Shelby of Alabama and Rob Portman of Ohio on the list of Republican retirees.

    "It seems that in recent times, it's all about beating the other person or preventing them from winning, not about putting forward good, sound policies," Del Percio said. "These are more than just political people like Josh Hawley and Ted Cruz. They cared about what they were doing, and about moving policies forward. It is devastating."

    Most of the departing senators are on the older side, although Toomey is just 59 — relatively young, for the Senate — and they're all younger than Grassley. This flight of conservatives from federal public office is more likely a byproduct of the fatigue among sitting Republicans created under the Trump era, which saw the traditional, conservative wing of the party diminished, if not conclusively defeated.

    Blunt's retirement caused at least one election forecaster to shift the Missouri race one rating to the left, from "Safe R" to "Likely R." It's hard to imagine states as red as Missouri or Alabama ever going for a Democrat. Then again, Alabama's 2017 special election, in which Democrat Doug Jones triumphed over Republican Roy Moore, who was accused of repeated acts of sexual misconduct with underage girls, proved it's possible against the right candidate. In states like Pennsylvania, North Carolina and Ohio, open-seat Senate races are likely to be competitive, and candidates hewing too closely to the Trump mold could alienate all-important suburban voters and galvanize Democratic turnout.

    Praise for Blunt from his current and former colleagues came immediately, mirroring that for his fellow retiring Republicans. Lawmakers and aides who had the pleasure of crossing paths with Blunt agreed the Senate is losing a valuable policy wonk, who is generally well liked on both sides of the aisle. Both Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., and Sen. John Cornyn, R-Texas, described his retirement as a "big loss" for the upper chamber. In a statement, McConnell called Blunt "a true leader, a policy heavyweight and a driving force behind both key conservative victories and essential bipartisan work." Whether his departure offers an unexpected opening for Democrats or another pathway for Donald Trump's total conquest of the Republican Party, it's too early to say.

    When did America stop being great?

    History News Network
    March 09, 2021

    My formative experience of America came during this country's great summertime of resurgence. It was 1984, I was sixteen years old, and I had flown into Los Angeles on the eve of the Olympics. For the next six weeks, I watched, wide-eyed, as the long national nightmare of Vietnam, Watergate and the Iranian hostage crisis was brought to an end by a modern-day gold-rush.

    A multi-racial team of US athletes, led by the likes of Carl Lewis, Mary Lou Retton, Michael Jordan and Greg Louganis, completely dominated the medal table. Team USA even performed well in some of the more obscure events - a calorific boon for customers of McDonalds, which ran a scratch-card promotion, planned presumably before the Soviet boycott, offering Big Macs, fries and Cokes when Americans won gold, silver or bronze. With the thumping chant of "USA, USA" echoing from coast to coast, it was hard, even as a visiting outsider, not to be swept up in this torrent of patriotism.

    Later that year, of course, Ronald Reagan surfed this red, white and blue wave to a second term in the White House, winning 49 out of 50 of states. For millions of his supporters, many of them lifelong Democrats, truly it felt like morning again in America, the sunny slogan of his re-election campaign.

    My new book, When America Stopped Being Great: A History of the Present, began as a quest for understanding. How had the United States gone from the self-confidence and swagger I experienced in the Reagan years to the American carnage of Donald Trump's dystopian inaugural address? What had turned this country into a place of such chronic disunion, shared land occupied by warring political tribes?

    Then, as I was writing it, further questions arose, which came under the same rubric. Why was this superpower so vulnerable to the viral onslaught of COVID-19? How had we arrived at the point where an insurrectionary mob could storm the US Capitol, violently seeking to overturn a presidential election in which Joe Biden had so obviously emerged the victor?

    Like the unexpected victory of Donald Trump four years earlier, the botched response to the coronavirus outbreak and the brazen attack on the US democracy were culminating moments. They could not be written off as historical accidents or aberrations. Arguably, they had become historically inescapable.

    How had this come to pass?

    In locating the origins of this troubled present, we could reach back to the earliest days of the new Republic. "1776," chanted the mob of MAGA diehards who invaded Capitol Hill, fervently believing they were acting in the spirit of the Revolutionary War. We could revisit the Constitutional Convention and the deliberations that produced the Electoral College, a relic of the Eighteenth Century that could never be described as the Founding Father's finest work.

    To understand America's inherent contradictions, we could consider how the author of the Declaration of Independence could write that "all men are created equal" while also penning a pseudo-scientific treatise outlining what Thomas Jefferson believed was the biological inferiority of slaves. Or we could journey to the battlefields of the American Civil War – Fort Sumter, Antietam, Manassas, Gettysburg – to be reminded of how division has long been this country's default setting.

    Instead, however, I have retraced the steps of my own American journeys: as an impressionable teenager during the Reagan era; as a student in the Nineties conducting research into the struggle for Black equality; as a fresh-faced foreign correspondent dispatched to Washington to cover the impeachment of Bill Clinton. Witnessing his Senate trial, I felt sure it would be a once-in-lifetime event. But afterwards those kind of mega-stories came thick and fast: the disputed 2000 election, the attacks of September 11th, the war in Iraq, the Great Recession, the election of Barack Obama and presidency of Donald Trump, with its back-to-back impeachments.

    Part history, part memoir, my book describes the role of each successive president in paving the way for Donald Trump – and, yes, they all contributed to his rise. Reagan, who was the first commander-in-chief since Dwight D. Eisenhower to complete two full terms, elevated the presidency while at the same time dumbing it down.

    After the showmanship of The Gipper, George Herbert Walker Bush demonstrated the value of a less theatrical presidency, but this moderate Republican failed to halt the rightward lurch of the conservative movement. Radicals, led by Newt Gingrich, snuffed out his thousand points of light. The Baby Boomers, who had cut their political teeth during the culture wars of the Sixties, usurped the Greatest Generation, whose belief in patriotic bipartisanship was forged during the Second World War.

    Bill Clinton may indeed have built a bridge to the 21st Century, but for much of Middle America it felt more like a bypass. And though he presided over a period of peace and prosperity, the Nineties were pregnant with so many of the problems encountered in the new millennium: the financial meltdown of the subprime crisis, the unchecked power of Big Tech, the problem of mass incarceration.

    George W. Bush, by pursuing his war on terror in such a polarizing way, failed to seize the opportunity presented by the calamity of 9/11 to reunify an ever more fractious nation. Like his father, he also failed to steer the conservative movement in a more compassionate direction.

    Barack Obama helped stave off a financial meltdown when he first took office in the midst of the Great Recession, but during his eight years in office he struggled to soothe the fears of blue-collar Americans who felt like castaways in a globalized and digitized economy. His presence in the White House, rather than closing the country's racial rift, fuelled the rise of white nationalism and the presidential candidacy of the untitled leader of the birther movement.

    And there are so many more milestones and waystations on the path to polarization.

    The political success of Donald Trump should not have taken us all by such surprise. So many trend-lines – political, economic, racial, cultural, spiritual and technological - converged and culminated in his presidency. As the 2020 election underscored – a contest, remember, in which he won 25 states and amassed more than 74 million votes – his presidency was not some American aberration. He became the figurehead for much of this country, and remains so even after his role in inciting his moshpit of MAGA diehards on January 6th.

    Just as few weeks ago, I was on the inaugural stand in Washington, just as I had been four years earlier, and listened to America's 46th president, Joe Biden, make his plea for national healing. "We must end this uncivil war," he said, in one of the more searing lines of his speech. Alas, the disturbing conclusion I reach in When America Stopped Being Great is that genuine national unification may now be impossible to achieve. The United States is riven with so many unbridgeable divides. Its very name has become a misnomer.

    Travelling this vast land, I struggle to identify where politically, philosophically or spiritually it will find common ground. Not in the guns debate. Not in the abortion debate. Not in the healthcare debate. Not at weddings, where more than a third of Republicans and almost half of Democrats say they would be unhappy if their children married a partner from the other party, compared to 5 percent in 1960. Not in the singing of the national anthem at American football games. Not in the debate over the country's history, and how it should be memorialized.

    Few, if any, national events, are politically benign, ideologically neutral or detached from the culture wars. No longer are there demilitarized zones in US politics. It seems that everything is contested. Even the most rudimentary of facts. Even the simplest of protections, like the facemask. Even the most clear-cut of presidential elections.

    After talking so much this century about the emergence of a post-America world, I fear we are living in a post-America America. The land that I fell in love with during that summertime of resurgence has entered a bleaker season.

    Nick Bryant, the BBCs New York correspondent, is the author of When America Stopped Being Great: A History of the Present.

    How the Republican Party's threat to its own voters is increasing

    Alex Henderson, AlterNet
    March 09, 2021

    When the American Rescue Plan Act of 2021 — a $1.9 trillion coronavirus relief package — was passed by U.S. Senate over the weekend, not one Republican senator voted for it. Liberal Washington Post opinion writer Greg Sargent, this week in his column, argued that the bill is not only designed to help blue states, but Americans in general. And he slams GOP opposition to the bill as a classic example of Republicans harming their own voters.

    "When every Senate Republican voted against President Biden's $1.9 trillion rescue package over the weekend," Sargent explains, "it revived a question that analysts have asked about the modern GOP for decades: Why do so many conservative Americans vote against their own economic interests? A new analysis by three leading political scientists theorizes this question in a fresh way: by comprehensively analyzing the political economy of red states, relative to that of blue ones. In so doing, they have captured some striking truths about this political moment."

    That analysis was authored by Jacob Grumbach, Paul Pierson and Yale University's Jacob Hacker, who told Sargent, "Red America is falling farther behind, but the politicians who represent it at all levels have gotten more unified on an economic agenda that hurts the people who live there."

    Sargent notes that the elements of the American Rescue Plan Act of 2021 include "large stimulus checks to most individuals, extended unemployment benefits, a big infusion of aid to state governments, and a new child cash allowance that could cut childhood poverty in half" — all of which, the columnist notes, are as helpful to people living in red states as they are to people living in blue states.

    The Grumbach/Pierson/Hacker analysis, according to Sargent, "brings deep historical context to this problem."

    Sargent explains, "For decades throughout the 20th century, it notes, the industrial economy — combined with large federal expenditures, particularly in the South — drove a 'great economic convergence,' in which poorer states steadily caught up with better-off ones. But more recently, the development of the knowledge economy, whose benefits are largely concentrated in cosmopolitan hubs, has reversed this trend. Meanwhile, in many red states — mostly in the South — the model of weak unions and low wages, which made them competitive for business inside the national market, is faltering in the face of globalized production."

    The analysis of Grumbach, Pierson and Hacker reads, "Blue America is increasingly buoyed by the knowledge economy …. Red America is struggling to find a viable growth model for the 21st century."

    According to the political scientists, "low road states" that have a lot of people who are struggling economically have something in common: right-wing governance.

    "Consider the rescue package," Sargent writes. "It would provide a boost in financial assistance for people who get health insurance through the Affordable Care Act's exchanges. Those are people who might be struggling to afford health care amid the current economy, many in red states. Yet Republicans uniformly voted against this, after spending years trying to repeal the ACA with no alternative vision — and even as many red states have still refused to take federal money to expand Medicaid."

    According to Hacker, Republicans use their advantage among rural voters in a way that only hurts those voters.

    "Republicans enjoy a huge advantage because the Senate overweights rural areas and because Democratic voters are packed into urban areas, which is made worse by gerrymandering," Hacker told Sargent. "The tragic irony is that this huge rural bias also helps Republicans get away with ignoring the economic needs of their own constituents."

     
    Trending
    Latest
    Videos

    Major, bad dog: Biden's German Shepherds sent back to Delaware

    DC insider floats an interesting theory about Lindsey Graham and Donald Trump's relationship

    How the GOP blew its chance at a 2022 working-class coalition in just 10 hours and 43 minutes

    Joe Biden just unleashed a quiet revolution in American politics

    Blockbuster report delivers jaw-dropping revelations about potential origin of COVID-19

    Lauren Boebert’s right-wing antics are having a surprising impact back home

    White nationalist congressman tweets white nationalist group's motto

    Progressives took over the Nevada Democratic Party -- and the entire staff quit: report

    Trump greeted by a single supporter on return to New York City

    Senate Republicans bailing out on 2022 are opening the door for more QAnon candidates and Trumpers

    When did America stop being great?

    How the Republican Party's threat to its own voters is increasing

    Twitter sues Texas AG Ken Paxton --and asks court to halt his investigation of the social media company

    The 8 biggest bombshells from Oprah's Meghan and Harry interview -- from racist royals to tabloid bias

    Right-wing radio host suggests Meghan Markle is lying about racist backlash: 'No one says anything like that'

    Trump just hit the Republican Party where it hurts

    Trump starts boycott -- wants supporters to donate to him instead of GOP committees: report

    BUSTED: Dan Crenshaw illegally bought stocks during debate over COVID relief

    Marjorie Taylor Greene lies pending LGBTQ Equality bill has ‘completely canceled women’ and ‘destroyed women’s rights’

    Ex-Papa John’s CEO can't understand why people called him a racist after it took him 20 months to stop saying N-word

    Marjorie Taylor Greene busted for not reading firearm background check bill before attacking it incorrectly

    'Nobody is perfect': Fox News rushes to defend Pepé Le Pew after he's 'canceled' for glamorizing rape culture

    Mississippi pastor: Biden's $1,400 stimulus checks are really an 'offering' from Trump

    'Re-marketing hate': Former neo-Nazi says violent extremists are being 'radicalized' by Fox News

    'It's not conflicting': GOP governor set straight by CNN host for questioning COVID mask mandates

    ‘White privilege power hour’: Fox & Friends ‘tone deaf’ hosts slammed for ignoring racism in Meghan and Harry story

    'I'm a super spreader!' Anti-masker makes life miserable for Home Depot workers

     
     

    Copyright © 2021 Raw Story Media, Inc. PO Box 21050, Washington, D.C. 20009 | Masthead | Privacy Policy | For corrections or concerns, please email corrections@rawstory.com.

    Manage Preferences

    Thanks for your support!

    Did you enjoy Raw Story this year? Join us! We're offering RawStory ad-free for 15% off - just $2 per week. From now until March 15th.

    CVS vaccine appointments are going unfilled deep in Trump country

    Not as many Americans eligible for third stimulus check: Here's what you need to know

    Restaurant tipping — criticized as unfair and archaic — may be obsolete after the pandemic

    Close
    Copy link